A community with an ethnic minority group as the majority of the residents is a special type of community. The unique nationality, culture and regionalism within ethnic communities attract the attentions of researchers at home and abroad. This paper first reviews the origin and the history of ethnic community research abroad, summarizes the key areas in urban ethnic community research, and discusses rural ethnic community research from the aspects such as influences, types, transitions of the communities, and tourism and perception studies. Domestic ethnic community research mainly includes the studies on connotation, evolution, development and impact on tourism. This paper compares the differences between the research at home and abroad in terms of field, method, object, theoretical basis and content. (1) From research field aspect, domestic studies focus on community types, influencing factors, spatial structure and development, from ethnologic, sociological and geographic perspectives, while the studies abroad emphasize on organization, social formation and social problem, from micro perspective of sociology and anthropology; (2) From research method aspect, majority of domestic studies adopt quantitative analysis and mathematical models, together with questionnaire, statistical information and satellite image. Foreign research is prone to study power center and relations between communities by using qualitative analysis of sociology, psychology, political economics; (3) From research object aspect, domestic studies pay more attention to rural ethnic communities, while development of urban ethnic communities is a key research area abroad, especially communities of different races within mega cities; (4) Foreign studies utilize the classical theory of typology and then expands to functionalism theory, human ecology theory, urban theory and the theory of community rights. Domestic studies adopt differential pattern theory with local characteristics based on the functionalism theory; (5) From research content aspect, domestic studies value connotation, influence factors, evolution features (traditional culture, land use, livelihood and language, etc.), tourism development and tourism impact research. Foreign researches study the education, medical treatment, employment, health, conflicts and crime problems of different races within an ethnic community. As discussed above, domestic research on ethnic community emphasizes on geographic and historic factors and pays less attention to social-cultural and political factors; the perspective hasn't been transformed from nature oriented to economy and society oriented. The research paradigm still lies at the level of spatial analysis and hasn't been shifted toward humane direction. The existing studies rest on the geographical concept of "community", focus on a single community, and ignore the communication and development between communities. Meanwhile, the studies lack in-depth analysis on residents' development from policy-making perspective. Finally, this paper puts forward seven future focuses for domestic ethnic community research, including, (1) factors influencing ethnic community evolution, (2) dynamic evolution mechanism, (3) residents' livelihood, (4) cultural heritage conservation and utilization, (5) economic structural coordination, (6) spatial form evolution and integrated development, (7) policy making for sustainable development.

乡村绅士化是指移民从城市迁入乡村地区, 通过对一定的经济资本的利用, 来达到对乡村的自然环境与独特的生活方式及文化氛围的体验与消费的过程。乡村绅士化过程造成了乡村地区人口结构的重构以及物质景观的变迁。本文选取广州小洲村作为研究案例, 对乡村绅士化的时空特征及其演变过程进行了深入分析。研究发现, 小洲村乡村绅士化过程分为艺术先锋绅士化及学生化两个阶段。由于空间需求、付租能力、群体数量等方面的差异, 两类绅士化过程对当地的物质环境、文化、社会、经济等方面产生了不同的影响。但两者的发展紧密相连, 在时间和空间上经历了延续、重叠、更替等阶段。乡村绅士化的过程, 在一定程度上缓解了乡村社区经济发展的困境, 也没有造成对本地居民的置换。但是随着社区住房成本的上涨, 先期迁入的艺术家群体正在被付租能力更强的学生群体逐渐替换。值得注意的是, 本地村民通过积极的寻租行为成为乡村绅士化的重要推动者, 而非被置换者。研究发现, 乡村绅士化现象的中西方差异主要体现在4 个方面:经济和物质层面的影响、与城市化的关系、人口置换的后果、绅士化的推动者。这些差异主要与乡村绅士化发展的社会经济背景、机制和特殊的土地政策等密切相关。这一研究对于探讨转型期中国乡村绅士化现象的特征与机制以及乡村社区发展的模式具有重要的理论与现实意义。

Rural gentrification refers to a process in which urban dwellers migrate to rural areas, in a pursuit of consuming the unique cultural ambience and a proximity to nature, with a certain degree of economic capital. It can be explained as the cause of multiple processes in the restructuring of local demographic structure and landscape changing. With special reference to the process of rural gentrification in Xiaozhou Village, Guangzhou, this paper explores the temporal-spatial characteristics of this process, as well as its evolvement alongside the changes in local socio-economic conditions. This paper reveals that there are two main processes in Xiaozhou's socio-spatial transformation, namely gentrification led by avant-garde artists and studentification led by incoming students. Owing to their different spatial demands, rental affordability, and magnitude, these two gentrification processes bring about different physical, cultural, social and economic influences to the local community. Yet, these two processes are tightly connected, and their socio-spatial evolvement experiences different stages of continuation, overlay, and displacement. While the avant-garde artists highlight the aesthetic values of the old architecture in the village, partially as a way to consume the symbolic meanings of rural space and rural landscape, the process of studentification places much more emphasis upon the use of newly built residential spaces and the development of housing spaces. In general, rural gentrification mitigates the economic predicament faced by Xiaozhou Village in a post-productivist era, and does not result in the displacement of indigenous villagers. However, the avant-garde artists are now facing displacement caused by rising housing costs due to the inflow of students. It is worth noting that, indigenous villagers are not the victims of rural gentrification, but become the promoters for the gentrification process through actively engaging in rent-seeking activities. This research also shows that, the differences of rural gentrification between China and Western countries mainly lie in four aspects, namely economic and physical impacts, the relationship between gentrification and urbanization, residential displacement, and driving forces of gentrification. These incongruences result from different socioeconomic background and dynamics of rural gentrification, as well as different land ownership and policies. Overall, this research is of theoretical and realistic significance in terms of examining the characteristics and dynamics of China's rural gentrification, and the unique development trajectory of China's rural community in an era of market transition.

现代性体验是后改革时代中国社会转型过程的一个重要维度。现代性以工具理性与社会进步作为终极价值取向,强调以理性的方式规划和管理社会生活的各个方面,以期实现持续的增长、稳定的发展以及财富积累。然而,现代化过程在赋予人类更大自由的同时,也带来了新的束缚与压抑。在这一背景下,越来越多的人选择逃离现代性的束缚,在那些似乎存在于现代性过程之外的、“落后”的地方重新寻找原真性的生存体验。在这一理论背景下,本文以长期留居在西藏拉萨的汉族“藏漂”群体为对象,探讨在中国后改革时代社会转型的背景下,社会成员如何实现对现代性的“逃离”。“藏漂”群体的身份认同,其本质是对西藏的地方性的建构。这一过程包含两个维度,即对西藏的地方性的想象与表征,以及在日常生活的层面对想象的地方性的践行与体验。一方面,“藏漂”通过一系列的表征与话语,将西藏想象为一个与内地在社会文化秩序上截然不同的地方。另一方面,日常生活中的社会与空间实践,体现了“藏漂”群体对想象的地方性的践行与展演,对文化身份同样起到重要的正反馈作用。研究认为：“藏漂”对现代性的体验,反映了现代社会内在的矛盾,而“藏漂”对地方性的建构与体验,对理解“他者”与“我者”之间复杂的社会与文化关系,提供了一个新的视角。

The Chinese society is currently experiencing a radical transition to modernity. Although the Chinese modernity is not simply a duplicate of what originally rose from the Western context, Chinese people's experiences of modernity are in many ways comparable to their western counterparts. The term modernity signifies a historical period in which reason and scientific rationality become the fundamental ideologies to orient social activities and everyday behaviours. It is characterized by a teleology which advocates endless progress and growth. However, although modernity endows social members with greater freedom to pursue personal advancement, it also leads to negative experiences, especially the loss of stable and authentic social life. Against this the background of post-reform social transformation, particular sections of the Chinese society have embarked on an endless search of places which seems to be "uncontaminated" by modernization. This paper narrates one of these stories. It investigates Han Chinese "drifters" who dwell in Lhasa, and Tibet in order to enact anti-modernist identities. In particular, this paper provides an account of the ways in which the "drifters" in Lhasa imagine, constructs and consumes the placeness and place identity of Tibet. It argues that the question of modernity has an inherently spatial dimension. The construction of the drifters' identity is contingent upon the place identity of Tibet, which itself is a social and lived construction. The drifters' construction of place identity involves two dimensions, namely the representation and imagination of Tibet's place identity, and the lived practices of the imagined place identity of Tibet. On the one hand, this paper suggests that Han-Tibetan cultural difference is discursively constructed and spotlighted via the imagination of the place identity of Tibet. These representations are not objective descriptions of absolute realities, but socially constructed discourses that contribute to identity formation. On the other hand, this article analyzes the ways in which the imagined Tibetanness is lived via mundane practices of everyday life, and argues that these practices contribute positively to the formation of the drifters' identity.

以地方性理论为切入点,提出历史事件为地方性的来源。在洞庭碧螺春原产地苏州吴中区东山镇和金庭镇（原西山镇）进行访谈调查,了解地方性在洞庭碧螺春生产销售方面的作用。运用级差地租理论和垄断市场理论说明了当地通过占据历史事件发生地的“地方性”而获得了级差地租和垄断利润。研究结论为：① 历史事件和传说具有空间不可移动性,可以成为形成级差地租的因素。② 历史传说赋予地理标识产品的质量无法通过理化手段测量,因此会出现原产地之外的茶叶假冒当地茶叶销售获利。派生的建议是当地政府需要加强对地理标识产品的宣传及法律保护。

Place is one of the core concepts of geography. A place is a unique geographical unit created by humans on the earth’s surface. Based on the theory of place, we carry out the interviews survey in the original production area of Dongting Biluochun Tea which is located in Dongshan Town and Jinting Town (formerly Xishan Town), Wuzhong District, Suzhou. We analyze the role of place in the production and sale of Dongting Biluochun Tea. Using theories of differential rent and monopoly market, this article explains how this place obtained differential rent and monopoly profits by being the site an important historical event. The conclusions are the following. First, a historical event happened in a specific place which cannot be moved to other place. This site became a factor that results in a differential rent. The legend of Biluochun Tea is considered equal to the investment by people of the land itself, which associates the local Biluochun Tea with culture quality which other Biluochun Tea does not have. The culture quality attracts some consumers and then forms the market demand which results in higher prices. Second, it is difficult to identify the specific features of a geographical indication product using a physical or chemical test, a feature which is associated with a specific historical event. The local tea producers are unable to obtain monopoly profits and thus it is difficult to execute a policy to protecting specific geographically indigenous products. Many tea makers and sellers in the past came to Dongshan and Xishan to sell fake Dongting Biluochun Tea for profit. To understand this practice, this study provides some assumptions or conditions. First, when calculating the differential rent, we make two assumptions: 1) there are no regional differences in the labor force and 2) the purchasing price of tea-leaves is equal to cost of planting the original tea. These two assumptions could affect the accuracy of the estimation of differential rent in this study. Second, when analyzing the structure of the monopoly profits, we assume that Dongshan Town and Jinting Town can be seen as a tea production group. However, there are so many producers and sellers in the production and sales market. Because of the many producers or sellers, it is obvious that competition exists in the market. The result is that the Dongting Biluochun Tea's market price is formed based on a “price game” between the many merchants, not determined by the rules in the monopoly market where the monopoly enterprise controls the output and sets the price. If the underlying assumptions or conditions described above change, the results of any analysis would likely be discounted. Further analysis needs to be done and any new conditions that might develop. Finally, based on the analysis above, our study provides two specific suggestions to local government shopping to successfully market Dongting Biluochun Tea: 1) to strengthen the brand value of Dongting Biluochun Tea and 2) to protect geographically indigenous products through specific laws and regulations.

慢活的空间体验与追寻是人们对当代社会“束缚与压抑”的抵抗和逃避,其为特定区域的地方性理论研究提供了鲜活的实证案例。本文以丽江古城为研究案例地,基于对原住民、外来经营者、旅游者和政府管理人员的访谈资料,同时以网络日志为分析文本,在构建地方性呈现与形成分析框架的基础上,从外部认同的角度对丽江慢活地方性特质呈现及其形成机制进行了探讨。研究发现：丽江古城慢活地方性的具体维度可由区位、场所、地方感加以呈现,其中,区位包括比较区位与现实区位,场所包括外部环境、内部空间与社交活动,地方感则包括情感与延续行为。丽江古城慢活的地方性形成来源于多元主体的共同建构,其中,原住民经由历史及文化积淀而形成的慢活理念是丽江古城慢活的精神本底,这种地方性特质被外来经营者加以营造和推广,使慢活特质得以强化并成为地方性表征,这同时满足了旅游者的需求,在旅游者的认同助推下更为显化,三个主体的共同作用使慢活特质成为丽江古城不可或缺的地方性构成。此外,本文还对旅游场域下地方性的特殊性与不同范式下的地方性形成机制进行了探讨。

Recently, people start to seek and experience space of slow living to resist and escape from the "constraint and pressure" caused by modern society. This becomes evident in some particular areas and provides empirical cases to extend the placeness theory. By selecting the Old Town of Lijiang as a case study, this research aims primarily to explore the manifestation and formation mechanism of the placeness feature of Lijiang from multiple identities. The data used in this study were collected through interviews of natives, non-native operators, tourists and government officials, and content analyses of web-blogs. The results show that, location, locale and sense of place, jointly build up the dimensions of identity with placeness of slow living in the Old Town of Lijiang. To be more specific, location includes relative location and absolute location; locale comprises external environment, internal space and social activity; and sense of place consists of two dimensions of affection and continued behavior. This study has indicated that identity with placeness of slow living in Lijiang is established by multiple subjects. Natives' slow living philosophy, which has formed on the basis of their history and culture, is the foundation of the lifestyle in the Old Town of Lijiang; non-native operators popularize the placeness feature and reinforce it to be a place character; at the same time such place character can satisfy tourists' needs and it is further promoted due to tourists' identity with the Old Town. Therefore, the combined effect of these three subjects has made slow living an indispensable feature of placeness in Lijiang. In addition, the paper has demonstrated the unique features in the touristic place, as well as the formation mechanism of identity with placeness under different paradigms.

居民地方感领域的研究在深化“人—地”关系认识、旅游目的地地方性塑造、旅游资源开发与保护以及旅游规划等方面具有特殊意义。已有研究主要探讨人口统计学特征、物理环境和社会环境等影响因素,缺乏对旅游世界中人与场的积极互动而产生的地方感等问题的讨论。本研究从社区旅游参与视角,通过田野调查的方法收集郎德上寨村民主诉的旅游参与实践,对民族旅游村寨居民地方感的生成问题进行分析。研究发现：郎德上寨村民的社区旅游参与主要表现为“合作激励型”“自我激励型”“机械被动型”和“利益激励型”4种类型;在社区旅游参与过程中,村民获得了强烈的地方感,并由自然地理和人文物理环境、社会文化特性、经济制度、乡土认同、血缘认同、文化认同、房屋归属感和生活便利性等内容体现。本研究还发现,居民地方感在不同的社区旅游参与形态中表现出差异性;社区旅游参与和地方感之间是双向、交互式的影响关系,其中,旅游效益感知因素在二者的关系中起着重要的中介作用。

近年来,空间意义的叠写与地方认同成为乡村旅游空间实践和乡村振兴中人们关注的焦点,这一新问题的出现对乡村空间实践中多元主体如何进行理性协商提出了新的诉求。以中国最后一个原始部落翁丁村“石头的遭遇”“权力的草坪”“搬迁新寨子”为分析对象,对旅游背景下翁丁空间意义的叠写与地方认同进行了剖析。认为：① 在增长全球化和全球本土化双向塑造的地理空间实践中,翁丁正经历着从“地方性空间”向“流动性空间”的转向,以旅游为媒介的流动性力量以及不同主体的空间诉求,正在重塑着翁丁社会文化和关系的空间生产。② 翁丁原生公共空间塑造的秩序具有集体意识,但目前空间意义的叠写带来了地方的差异化认同,地方正在从“自然式认同”转向“分裂式认同”,作为民族团结和认同结构优化的切入点,需要逐步过渡到以主体间性和民族间性为特征的“理解式认同”。③ 空间意义的叠写和地方认同的分裂容易引发多元主体间的价值取向之争和地方意义的虚无主义,为此需要积极形成空间道德实践的价值指引,以避免发生激进的乡村旅游空间实践现象。未来乡村旅游空间实践,应避免以一类主体掩饰另一类主体的情形出现,公共空间的人地关系、空间主体的构成方式、地方的可见性以及不同主体道德规范的协商、妥协与让渡,是新时代乡村旅游空间实践不能忽略的维度。

As a traditional place, Wengding has experienced a rapid transformation from productivism to post productivism and from production space to mobile consumption space in recent years. In this process, Wengding is embedded in a series of time-space fracture and reconstruction process networks shaped by mobility, such as global and local, modern and traditional. The superscription of spatial meaning and local identity have become the focus of attention in the practice of rural tourism space. The emergence of this new problem puts forward a new demand for the rational consultation of multiple subjects in the practice of rural tourism space. This study takes Wengding, the last primitive tribe in China, as a case, and takes three cases of "encounter of stone", "lawn of power" and "relocation of new village" in the transformation of public space as the specific analysis object to analyze the overlap of spatial meaning and local identity of Wengding in the context of tourism. The research shows that Wengding village is experiencing a shift from "local space" to "mobile space" in the practice of growing globalization and global localization. The mobile power of tourism and the spatial demands of different subjects are reshaping the spatial production of social culture and relations in Wengding village. The superscription of Wengding's spatial meaning has brought about the local differential identity. Wengding is also changing from "natural identity" to "split identity". As the starting point of national unity and optimization of identity structure, the identity of villagers needs to gradually transit to "understanding identity" characterized by inter subjectivity and inter nationality. The superscription of spatial meaning and local split identity are likely to lead to the dispute of value orientation among multiple subjects, even the nihilism of local meaning. Therefore, we need to actively form the value guidance of spatial moral practice to avoid radical rural tourism spatial practice. In the future, the practice of rural tourism space should avoid the situation that one kind of subject conceals the other. The relationship between human and land in public space, the form of space subject, the visibility of place, and the negotiation, compromise and transfer of different subjects' moral norms are dimensions that cannot be ignored in the practice of rural tourism space in the new era.

文章分析农村外出劳动力回流迁移的影响因素。农村外出劳动力在城市就业、经济 收入和社会保障的排斥影响他们的回流，同时回流迁移也受到家庭生活、家庭劳动力状况、家庭农业 活动和农地状况等因素的影响。外出劳动力的回流迁移是“被动回流”和“主动回流”相结合的过程、 是个体决策和家庭决策的综合过程。文章提出劳动力回流迁移具有“回流效应”，回流带来人力资本 的补偿、促进流出地非农经济的发展和带来创业的增长。劳动力回流作为城镇化过程中内生的逆迁 移流，构成乡城迁移和劳动力市场平衡的补充机制，与乡城迁移一起促进城镇化和城乡平衡发展。文 章提出在城镇化过程中需要支持“迁移效应”和“回流效应”机制共同发挥作用。

This paper examines the factors associated with return migration using data from a sur- vey on rural labour transfer and urbanization in seven provinces in central-west China. Rural return migration is influenced，on the one hand，by employment status，income，and social security exclusion in cities，and on the other hand，by family life，family labor size and land acquisitions in the villages. Return migration is a combined result of“active return”and“passive return”，and of individual and family decision making. The authors analyze the positive effects of return migration，resulting in Brain Gain based on migrants' human capital accumulation during their migration. Returned migrants are more likely to engage in non-agricultural activities and self-entrepreneurship. Migration and return migration jointly help mobilize labor market and promote rural-urban development in China.

综合运用倾听、照相、参与式观察、访谈、笔记等多种调研方法,选择能代表周庄旅游发展不同阶段、不同类型的游憩场所,收集田野调查数据,游客、居民、旅游从业者、旅游管理者的访谈数据,分析周庄古镇地方性多样化建构的过程。研究发现资本权力是空间生产的主要动力,是地方性形成的物质基础;文化知识影响社会空间的氛围,通过对社会秩序和关系的再生产影响地方性,文化中的艺术扮演了营造氛围的重要角色,间接培育地方性;民俗生活属于社会文化层面的软实力,发自内心的民俗活动促进了睦邻友好和相互交流,当地居民日常生活对权力和资本规训进行诗意的抵制,增加了地方的日常生活性。

Placeness is very important in the process of local population and social. Tourism is an important way of consuming placeness, a variety of elements are used in tourism industry, having different influence on social relations and placeness. This study uses multi-methods research which included listening, photograph, participatory observation, interview and notes, choose recreational areas represent Zhouzhuang of different stages and different types, collects data from fieldwork, tourists, residents, tourism practitioners, tourism manager. Results show that capital power is the material base in space production and placeness. Culture knowledge influences the atmosphere of social space, and formation of placeness naturally through the reproduction of social order and relationships, art plays an important role in building atmosphere, breeding placeness indirect. Folk and life belong to soft power of social cultural, folk activities deeply from the heart promote neighbor friendship and mutual communication different from folk culture governed by discipline, life habit is shaped from poetic resistance of local residents to discipline of power and capital. This article examines the impact of tourism to placeness in ancient town from macro perspective with variety of factors. Although some scholars have started to elements research placeness from a single factor, but there are a lot of work to do about the contribution of various elements on placeness reconstruction. Secondly, the town is a comprehensive tourist destination, there are very different from other types of tourist destinations. Future, it can compare rural tourism, theme parks, cultural and creative park, natural tourist attractions, etc. In addition, different social and cultural backgrounds, different levels of economic development, different natural environment, the contribution of different factors on the development of the tourism industry is not same. The impact on social relations, the formation and construction mechanism requires further discussion. Construction diversification of placeness in Zhouzhuang is along with interaction power among local government, developers, tourists, migrant workers, artists, local residents, For them, there are several or myriad order of Zhouzhuang, each order has its own special style and independent existence. There are all kinds of perceptive world, such as history and culture world, commodity world, religion world, science fiction world, art world, myth world, fantasy world, everyday life world. When the world is stared by different groups of people, they become the authenticity and unique cognitive style. Sometimes they are continuous, sometimes broken. Visitors can jump from one world to another. As a rich history and culture town, along with the development of Chinese tourism industry (from foreign affairs reception period to mass tourism period then mass leisure period), and now it is moving to a new stage of development, tourist consumption patterns change. It brings a new opportunities for town tourism economic development, while facing the challenges of cultural heritage protection and new urbanization construction. Government, developers and local residents make appropriate compromises to meet the needs of tourists gaze. A number of new elements are put into the town for diversify development. On the one hand it brings revenue local residents, on the other hand people began to reflect on tourism modernization and rationalization consequences, re-examine everyday life, cultural practices and significance of local development.

旅游作为一种社会实践在政治经济发展和社会文化变迁中起着重要的作用。中国改革开放40年在见证旅游蓬勃发展的同时,也产生出了诸多令人担忧的自然环境和社会问题。新时代背景下,党的十九大对中国旅游发展提出了新的要求,需要我们重新反思当前的旅游发展模式和未来发展理念。鉴此,本文在考查西方当前旅游发展和研究趋势特点的基础上,结合中国旅游发展和研究的现状,针对旅游研究理念亟待创新的要求,提出“地方场域”这一理论框架。文章基于重构地方本体论的讨论,将旅游、邂逅与地方整合进相互关联的框架中,旅游可以概念化为：人与人以及人与非人等流动性主体通过邂逅和相遇的过程,所形塑的不断变化的有关经验性的、体验性的、反思性的以及实践性的地方场域（个体旅游场域）。旅游场域是一个不断变动的过程,也是一个交织着权力关系的政治化实践过程,是不同旅游主体所建构的地方场域之间冲突和融合的总体（总体旅游场域）。研究强调了有意义的时空相遇过程,不期而遇（邂逅）和平常的遇见（相遇）二者结合在一起才能共同反映旅游的日常生活化真谛。最后,本文从旅游发展自身的改变和旅游研究的改变入手,提出基于地方实践、基于批判反思、基于技术变革、基于参与共建和基于跨学科研究这五种知识生产模式抑或称之为未来的研究方向,以期打开未来旅游研究的本体论政治议程的对话窗口,并为新时代旅游发展和学术研究提供借鉴参考。

Tourism, as a social practice, plays an important role in political and economic development as well as in social and cultural changes. The 19th National Congress of the Communist Party in 2012 has set up new goals for China's tourism. It is necessary for us to rethink current ways of tourism development and its future with the perspective of new era. In view of this, this research, based on the study of tourism development and characteristics of current tourism in the West, examined China’s tourism features. This paper proposes a theoretical framework about “field of place”. Based on the discussion of ontology of place, the article integrates tourism, encounter and place into an interrelated framework to conceptualize tourism as: the empirical, experiential, reflective and practical fields of place that are shaped by the process of encounter of human and non-human. The field of tourism is a dynamic system, and it is also a politicized practice process that constantly changes and interweaves with conflict and compromising. This research emphasizes a meaningful temporal and special process of encounter. Only through a combination of unexpected encounters and daily encounters, can the truth of tourism be reflected. Compared to the classic tourism geography model (from the perspective of spatial format, the tourism system is a spatial system in which the tourist-generating areas and the tourist-receiving areas interact through the tourist routes), the field of tourism is actually a dynamic spatial relationship of mobility shaped through the process of encountering and meeting where the absence and the presence are intertwined, both of which are composed of human and non-human. The field of tourism model breaks through the limitations of dichotomy where the tourist-generating areas and the tourist-receiving areas are separated. The version of field of tourism is more a research epistemology and research perspective than a research paradigm. Finally, with the change of tourism development and tourism research, this paper proposes five kinds of knowledge production mode and research direction based on local practice, critical reflection, technological change, participation and interdisciplinary research. This paper tries to bring a dialogue on the ontological political agenda and provide a guidance for future tourism research.

以贵州肇兴侗寨为案例地，运用列斐伏尔的空间生产理论，采用田野调查与深度访谈结合的方法，从物理空间、社会空间、意义空间3个维度审视多元权力主体的“物质－关系－情感”联结以及与旅游发展的自洽性。结果表明：1）物理空间在权力主体的更迭下得以重新规划，有助于劳动力的回流。村寨的原真性在规制的约束下得以维护，但建构的景观符号是对民族村寨的错位表达。2）对于社会空间中的冲突，当地居民采取退让不退出的策略与管理者达成空间错时使用与管理默契。威权人物寨老成为消解分歧、推动社会关系巩固与凝聚的代表。对游客及外来经营户的让渡与周全，体现了当地居民开放包容的待客之道与处事哲学。3）意义空间通过当地居民对节事、文化的情感注入，对文化惯习的传承、对乡约的承继、对怀旧物的回忆与想象得以再生产。对于处在发展上升期的民族村寨而言，多元权力主体会基于利益的共同性与社会关系的粘连性考虑，做出符合当地旅游发展与自身容纳限度的调适与让步，来适应旅游发展带来的空间变化。

In the context of tourism development, modernization and commercialization relentlessly colonize ethnic areas, reshaping the physical, social, and significant spaces of tourism destinations. Due to the influx of capital and the change of power subjects, ethnic tourism villages have become a new reality through the continuous deconstruction and construction of multiple subjects. The separation and integration of modernity and tradition has led to the alienation and tension of village social relations and structure. To examine the power subjects, spatial forms, spatial relations, and emotions involved in the process of tourism reproduction, this study, adopting Zhaoxing Dong village in Guizhou Province as a case, uses Lefebvre's theory of spatial production and the methods of field survey and in-depth interview to analyze the relationship between physical space, social space, and emotion from the three dimensions of social space and meaning space. This study assesses the "material-relationship-emotion" connection of multiple power subjects and self-consistency with tourism development. The results show the following. First, physical space can be replanned with the change of power subjects, which is conducive to the return of the labor force. The authenticity of villages can be maintained under discipline and control, but the constructed landscape symbol is the misplaced expression of ethnic villages. Second, for conflicts in the social space, local residents adopt the strategy of concession and do not withdraw, reaching a tacit understanding of space use and management at the wrong time with the managers. Zhailao, an authoritarian figure, has become a representative of resolving differences and promoting the consolidation and cohesion of social relations. Through the transfer and comprehensiveness of tourists and foreign operators, it reflects the open and inclusive hospitality and philosophy of local residents. Third, the meaning space can be reproduced through the local residents' emotional injection of festival events and culture, the inheritance of cultural habits, the inheritance of local conventions, and the memory and imagination of nostalgic things. From the perspective of tourism space reproduction, the study reviews and examines the multi space of Zhaoxing Dong village tourism and concludes that there are many social problems in Zhaoxing village, which imply many social contradictions. However, under the consensus of sharing interests, positive games, and harmonious coexistence, the multi-power subjects in Zhaoxing village have different opinions. After evaluating the development trend and potential of local tourism, they will make their own spatial arrangement, spatial compromise, relationship concession, and emotional adjustment under the consideration of multi-mediation, multi-organization coordination, and multi-relationships, to adapt to the changes in the physical, social, and meaning spaces engendered by tourism development. These changes can help shape the modern local culture, maintain the original rural style, embody ethnic customs, and carry forward rural humanistic and moral values. Moreover, they can provide a practical reference for the sustainable development of tourism and the prosperity and revitalization of beautiful ethnic villages.

人才是乡村地域空间发展的基础，鼓励在外务工人员回流就业是推进乡村振兴的重要举措，也是实现共同富裕的保证。论文采用多变量交互作用的模糊集定性比较分析方法，以乡村旅游地居民回流就业意愿为结果变量，构建地方参与、地方情感、感知获益、风险承受能力、政府信任、支持度为前因变量的研究模型，探索居民回流就业的驱动机制与多元影响路径。研究结果表明：① 所有单项因素均不构成乡村旅游地居民回流就业的必要条件；② 满足条件的组合路径共7条，总体一致性为0.876，总体覆盖率为0.862；③ 在所有路径组合中，支持度和政府信任出现的频率最高，包含地方情感的路径覆盖率较高；④ 7条路径构成了情感主导路径、信任主导路径、支持主导路径，以及知—情—意—行综合路径4大类路径模式；⑤ 当同时包含情感、信任、支持和参与因素时，路径具有最高解释力；⑥ 不同类型的乡村旅游地在回流就业影响路径上显示出差异。研究结论可为鼓励和吸引乡村旅游地在外务工人员回乡参与旅游发展提供参考，也可为更广泛的乡村地区鼓励人才回流提供理论依据。

Human resources are the basis for the spatial development of rural areas. Encouraging migrant workers to return to their hometown for employment is an important measure for promoting rural revitalization and the fundamental guarantee for achieving common prosperity. This study adopted the fuzzy set qualitative comparative analysis method of multivariable interaction and took the willingness of rural tourism destination residents to return home for employment as the outcome variable to construct a model with place participation, place attachment, perceived benefits, risk tolerance, trust on the government, and support as the influencing variables, and explored the driving mechanism and multiple influence paths of return for employment. The results show that: 1) None of the individual factors constitutes the necessary condition for rural tourism destination residents to return home for employment. 2) There are seven combined paths that meet the conditions, with an overall consistency of 0.876 and an overall coverage of 0.862. 3) In all path combinations, the appearance frequency of support and trust on the government is the highest, and the coverage of paths that include place attachment is high. 4) The seven paths constitute four kinds of path models: attachment dominated path, trust dominated path, support dominated path, and the comprehensive path. 5) When attachment, trust, support, and participation factors are included at the same time, the path has the highest explanatory power. 6) Different types of rural tourism destination show differences in the impact path of returning home for employment. The results of this study provide a reference for encouraging and attracting migrant workers from rural tourism destinations to return home to participate in tourism development, and provide a theoretical basis for more extensive rural areas to encourage talent repatriation.

Because of its inherently asymmetric nature, set-theoretic analysis offers many interesting contrasts with analysis based on correlations. Until recently, however, social scientists have been slow to embrace set-theoretic approaches. The perception was that this type of analysis is restricted to primitive, binary variables and that it has little or no tolerance for error. With the advent of “fuzzy” sets and the recognition that even rough set-theoretic relations are relevant to theory, these old barriers have crumbled. This paper advances the set-theoretic approach by presenting simple descriptive measures that can be used to evaluate set-theoretic relationships, especially relations between fuzzy sets. The first measure, “consistency,” assesses the degree to which a subset relation has been approximated, whereas the second measure, “coverage,” assesses the empirical relevance of a consistent subset. This paper demonstrates further that set-theoretic coverage can be partitioned in a manner somewhat analogous to the partitioning of explained variation in multiple regression analysis.

以贵州雷公山地区24个民族村寨为典型案例地，基于居民地方性感知调查数据，运用聚类分析方法将24个民族村寨分为旅游发展程度不同的五种类型，并对其居民地方性感知进行测度；借助地理探测器方法对雷公山地区影响村寨居民地方性感知的景观、文本、符号和情感四个维度进行因子探测和交互探测，探索山地型民族村寨地方性感知的流变规律。研究发现：①不同旅游发展阶段的村寨居民地方性感知存在差异，其中处于稳固阶段的村寨居民地方性感知最弱；②从待开发阶段到稳固阶段，居民对景观、文本和符号维度的感知增强，但对情感维度感知呈减弱态势；③地方性要素功能从待开发阶段至稳固阶段呈现出由日常生活向娱乐休闲再向产业发展的变化；④各阶段村寨的地方性感知维度两两交互后均为双因子增强，且景观维度和符号维度交互作用后对地方性感知的影响最大。上述结论为避免民族村寨旅游发展的“同质化”和“无地方性”、促进旅游与民族村寨人地关系协调发展提供了理论依据。

Taking 24 Miao villages in Leigong Mountain Area of Guizhou Province as the case study, based on the survey data of placeness perception, this paper uses the cluster analysis method to divide the 24 ethnic villages into five types with different degrees of tourism development, and measures the placeness perception. With the help of geographic detector method, this paper makes factor detection and interactive detection on the four dimensions of landscape, text, symbol and emotion that affect village residents' placeness perception in Leigong Mountain area. The results show that: (1)There are differences in village residents' placeness perception in different stages of tourism development, among which the village residents in the stable stage have the weakest placeness perception.(2) From the development stage to the stable stage, the residents' perception of landscape, text and symbol dimensions is enhanced, but the perception of emotional dimension is weakened.(3) From the development stage to the stable stage, the function of placeness elements has changed from daily life to entertainment and leisure to industrial development.(4) The placeness perception of all kinds of villages is enhanced by two factors after two-way interaction, and the interaction of landscape dimension and symbol dimension has the greatest impact on placeness perception. The above conclusions provide a theoretical basis for avoiding the "homogeneity" and "non placeness" of tourism development in ethnic villages and promoting the coordinated development of tourism and human land relationship in ethnic villages.