Urban shrinkage is not a new phenomenon. It has been documented in a large literature analyzing the social and economic issues that have led to population flight, resulting, in the worse cases, in the eventual abandonment of blocks of housing and neighbourhoods. Analysis of urban shrinkage should take into account the new realization that this phenomenon is now global and multidimensional — but also little understood in all its manifestations. Thus, as the world's population increasingly becomes urban, orthodox views of urban decline need redefinition. The symposium includes articles from 10 urban analysts working on 30 cities around the globe. These analysts belong to the Shrinking Cities International Research Network (SCIRN), whose collaborative work aims to understand different types of city shrinkage and the role that different approaches, policies and strategies have played in the regeneration of these cities. In this way the symposium will inform both a rich diversity of analytical perspectives and country-based studies of the challenges faced by shrinking cities. It will also disseminate SCIRN's research results from the last 3 years.

以中国地级市为研究对象,选取2003年和2014年2个时点,通过分析各地级市市辖区、非市辖区的人口变化及二者相对变化情况判断收缩及潜在收缩城市;基于城市发展的负外部性内涵,构建涵盖房地产、环境、交通、教育、医疗及就业等方面指标的评价体系,运用主成分分析法测度收缩及潜在收缩城市发展的负外部性,并分析其变化方向。研究结果表明：① 中国的城市发展仍然以增长为主,收缩城市及潜在收缩城市比例并不高,收缩城市主要分布于东北三省及西北地区,潜在收缩城市则集中分布于河南、湖南等中部人口大省及广西、贵州等省、自治区;② 收缩城市发展过程中其负外部性显著改善,尤其是处于稳定收缩阶段的绝对收缩城市最为明显,辐射式收缩城市次之,而处于收缩初始阶段的郊区化收缩城市则表现出两极分化特征;③ 大部分潜在收缩城市其负外部性有不同程度的加剧,且负外部性加剧的城市主要以湖南、河南的潜在收缩城市为主。

Along with the aging and migration of population, deindustrialization and economic crises, the beginning of 21th Century there has witnessed a phenomenon of urban shrinkage across China, which is quite common for industrial and resource-based cities. The shrinkage caused a negative impact on social, environment and economic aspects so that it has gradually been a concerned topic for the future development of Chinese cities. As one of the major challenges that China are faced during the process of new-type urbanization, rather than highlighting urban growth, the smart urban shrinkage could be a possible way for shrinking cities to step into a sustainable way. The purpose of this article is to measure the urban negative externality and evaluate the impact of shrinkage on the change of such externality. With the usage of population data of all prefecture-level cities(Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan are excluded) in 2003 and 2014, this article identified the types of urban shrinkage through analyzing the population changes of municipal district and non-municipal district separately, as well as their difference during this period. Furthermore, a comprehensive index system has been built up to measure the negative externality of all prefecture-level cities. The index system includes aspects of estate price, urban environment, transportation, education, health and employment. By applying the method of principal component analysis (PCA), a synthesis score was calculated, followed by revealing the change direction of urban externality for each type of shrinking and potential shrinking cities. The results of the study are listed as follows: 1) urban development across China is still centered on urban growth, and the shrinkage and potential shrinkage are not very popular. Shrinking cities are mainly distributed in Northeast China (i.e. Heilongjiang, Jilin and Liaoning) and part of Northwest China (i.e. the south of Gansu). However, potential shrinking cities tend to gather in Central China, including Henan and Hunan (two populous provinces), as well as in some inland provinces (i.e. Guangxi and Guizhou); 2) the urban negative externality of shrinking cities will exacerbate as their population increase, and the type of sheer shrinking cities is most remarkably reflected, followed by the type of dispersive ones. But in terms of suburbanized shrinking cities, the change of urban negative externality shows a bi-directional characteristic, namely the externality of part of these cities increase while others decrease equally in number; 3) an exacerbated urban negative externality with different degrees occurs on most potential shrinking cities, and they are mainly located in Hunan and Henan, two provinces in Central China. As for the urban shrinkage, which is not widespread across the whole country, the government should pay much attention on shrinking and potential shrinking cities. Implementing efficient and appropriate policies (i.e. economic restructuring, industrial upgrading, innovation encouragement) is imperative to make the shrinkage to be smart and maximize urban utility during the shrinking process.

Many American and European cities have to deal with demographic and economic trajectories leading to urban shrinkage. According to official data, 13% of urban regions in the US and 54% of those in the EU have lost population in recent years. However, the extent and spatial distribution of declining populations differ significantly between Europe and the US. In Germany, the situation is driven by falling birth rates and the effects of German reunification. In the US, shrinkage is basically related to long-term industrial transformation. But the challenges of shrinking cities seldom appeared on the agendas of politicians and urban planners until recently. This article provides a critical overview of the development paths and local strategies of four shrinking cities: Schwedt and Dresden in eastern Germany; Youngstown and Pittsburgh in the US. A typology of urban growth and shrinkage, from economic and demographic perspectives, enables four types of city to be differentiated and the differences between the US and eastern Germany to be discussed. The article suggests that a new transatlantic debate on policy and planning strategies for restructuring shrinking cities is needed to overcome the dominant growth orientation that in most cases intensifies the negative consequences of shrinkage.

珠江三角洲是世界范围内经济和城镇发展“增长奇迹”的典型地区,当中以东莞为代表的“外向型城镇化”模式长期受到国内外学者的关注。然而,2008年的金融危机冲击对东莞经济造成巨大冲击,市域范围同时出现了普遍增长与局部收缩两种截然不同的新空间现象。随着中国经济步入新常态,城镇化快速发展过程中伴随的局部收缩现象逐渐引起学界和社会的广泛讨论。基于此,从城镇发展要素的集聚与流动出发,结合经济、人口和用地三个维度,提出理解城镇增长与收缩的分析框架,并对不同类型特征的城镇进行区分：持续增长、转型增长、潜在收缩与显著收缩。在实证分析部分,文章以东莞为案例,通过考察各镇街单元城镇增长与收缩的时间演变和空间格局,结合典型城镇案例分析,从经济危机冲击、刘易斯转折点、路径依赖存在、制度环境安排四个方面探讨东莞城镇增长与收缩的形成机制,最后对增长与收缩的未来深化研究方向进行讨论。

The Pearl River Delta (PRD), a typical area of rapid urbanization with Dongguan as its most representative case of the 'exo-urbanization' model, has thus long been attracting scholarly attention. However, after the financial crisis in 2008, a new spatial phenomenon has emerged in Dongguan, with overall growth and partial shrinkage taking place in the same city area. As the Chinese economy steps into a state of New Normal, partial shrinkage during a process of rapid urbanization has kindled heated debate. Starting from the vacancy phenomenon caused by the outflow of development factors, this paper has integrated three analytical dimensions, i.e., economy, population, and land, to put forward a framework for understanding urban growth and shrinkage. Four types of towns have been identified in Dongguan, featuring, respectively, continuous growth, resurgent growth, moderate shrinkage, and continuous shrinkage. Moreover, time trajectory and spatial pattern of growing and shrinking have been investigated to account for the distribution characteristic of urban growth and shrinkage. Then, through probing the shocks of economic crisis, Lewisian turning point, path dependence existence and institutional arrangement, we have analyzed the mechanisms of urban growth and shrinkage amid rapid urbanization in Dongguan. Conclusions and avenues for future research are discussed in the last section.

城市收缩是一个受经济全球化影响,并具有区域地方特征的世界性经济社会现象,如何构建快速城镇化进程中“中国化”城市收缩研究理论分析框架,为世界城市收缩研究提供中国经验,是新时期中国地理学者、城市规划工作者亟需重点关注和研究的新命题。本文认为城市收缩本质是城市“发展势能”的相对弱化或绝对退化而引起以人口为核心的经济发展要素的再区位和城市功能形态空间重构的响应过程或状态,其是一个综合概念,一个基于人口变化、经济变化、投资消费变化与财政变化等的多维一体过程,据此构建基于“二步诊断法”的城市收缩识别体系及其类型划分标准,同时针对中国最具典型和代表性的东北三省开展城市收缩的实证分析。结果表明：① 东北三省存在明显的城市收缩现象、且呈现出区域化的发展演化趋势;整体可归纳为资源依赖型收缩城市、“虹吸”型收缩城市、综合型收缩城市及区位制约型收缩城市4种模式,其中资源依赖型收缩城市是主体,占据了整个收缩城市的2/3;② 空间上整体呈现出北高南低的空间格局,与经济发展重心不断南移相呼应;③ 指标维度收缩整体遵循“投资消费与经济下行→人口收缩→财政收缩”的内在演化逻辑关联;④ 立足于“二步诊断法”的城市收缩识别体系及其类型划分标准反映出当前基于人口变化学的识别标准的合理性及其局限性——人口变化学能够在很大程度上识别收缩城市,但是对于划分收缩城市类型、揭示收缩城市内在耦合机理具有一定的局限性;⑤ 实证结果表明“二步诊断法”是合理可行的,其可为中国城市收缩的识别、东北振兴政策的制定提供工具支撑与参考依据。

Urban shrinkage is a global socio-economic phenomenon embedded in wave of economic globalization and rooted in "localization". And it has become a new proposition for Chinese geographers and urban planners to build a theoretical analysis framework of "Chinese-style" urban shrinkage research in the process of rapid urbanization and to provide Chinese experience for the study of urban shrinkage globally. In this paper, we think the essence of urban shrinkage is a response progress or status that the city's "development potential" is relative weakening or absolute degradation and caused re-location of the population-centric economic development elements and spatial reconstruction of the urban functional forms. It is a comprehensive concept, a multi-dimensional and integrated process based on the changes in population, economy, investment and consumption, and social security. And we establish the identification system and the classification criteria of urban shrinkage types based on the "two-step diagnosis method", and select the three provinces of Northeast China which are the most representative urban shrinkage regions in China to make an empirical analysis. The results show that: (1) There does exist an obvious urban shrinkage phenomenon, and the evolution trend is going to regionalization in the three provinces. And we classify the whole identified shrinkage cities into four categories: resource-dependent shrinking cities, "siphon" shrinking cities, comprehensive shrinking cities and location-constrained shrinking cities. It can be found that the resource-dependent shrinking cities are the main body, occupying 2/3 of the entire shrinking cities. (2) The spatial pattern formed by the identified shrinkage cities shows the characteristics that the number of the shrinkage cities is large in the north and small in the south, which is echoing the situation that the economic center is continuously moving from north to south. (3) From the indicator dimension, it can be found that urban shrinking wholly follows the internal evolutionary and logical connection of "investment and consumption, economic shrinkage→population shrinkage→social security shrinkage". (4) The urban shrinkage identification system and its type classification criteria based on the "two-step diagnostic method" in this paper reflect the rationality and limitations of the current urban shrinkage identification standard based on population shrinkage, although it can identify shrinking cities to a large extent, and have certain limitations in classifying shrinking city types and revealing the internal coupling mechanism of shrinking cities. (5) The empirical results confirm that the "two-step diagnosis method" of urban shrinkage is reasonable and feasible, which can provide tool support and reference basis for the identification of China's urban shrinkage and the formulation of policies for the revitalization of Northeast China.

基于对空间极化概念界定的基础上,首先从要素流的视角构建区域发展衡量指标——城镇集聚能力,并从整体上评价1995-2008 年东北三省区域发展演变格局;其次利用差异指数和极化指数,从不同集聚层次对东北三省区域发展非均衡性和极化程度进行测度。研究发现：①从区域发展衡量指标的动态演变格局来看：1995-2008年间东北三省区域发展是一个波浪起伏的过程,整体水平稍有下降;集聚能力得分排序及其演变趋势表明,中心城市、交通枢纽城市和资源城市主宰着东北三省区域发展格局的演变;四中心城市呈现出由北往南递增的发展趋势,且由四城市形成的经济区实体功能开始显化,并沿哈大铁路形成一条不连续的“极化轴”,区域发展中心逐步南移;区域发展的地域差异性非常明显。②从区域发展的非均衡性和极化指数来看：整体上呈增长趋势,其中市区极化程度明显高于县(县级市),且发展演进方向互异;空间分布上非均衡性指数表现出辽宁省>黑龙江省>吉林省,而崔-王指数为黑龙江省>辽宁省>吉林省;城市类型(资源城市与非资源城市)表现出异向发展趋势,其中资源城市呈绝对的下降趋势,且资源城市的极化程度明显低于非资源城市。

Based on the concept of spatial polarization, this paper built up a regional development index from the perspective of element flows, which is called urban agglomeration ability, and analyzed the regional development evolution in the three provinces of Northeast China from 1995 to 2008 on the whole. Secondly, the paper used the difference indexes and polarization indexes to measure the degrees of inequality and polarization of the regional development in Northeast China for different concentration levels. The results show that: (1) from the viewpoint of the dynamic evolution of the patterns of regional development, from 1995 to 2008, the regional development of Northeast China had an undulating course, and the overall level was slightly decreased. The agglomeration ability and its evolution trend showed that the center cities, the traffic hub cities and the resource cities played an important role in the regional development pattern evolution. It was showed that the four cities showed that the development trend was increased from north to south. The formed city economic zones began to present their functions, and the Harbin-Dalian Railway became a discrete"polarization axis". The regional development center was gradually moved to the south with the differences of the regional development. (2) The whole region showed a growing trend, in which the municipal administrative areas had a higher degree of polarization than the county level subdivisions, with different directions of evolution. The spatial distribution of inequality index had a sequence of Liaoning Province > Heilongjiang Province > Jilin Province, and the TW index showed a sequence of Heilongjiang > Liaoning > Jilin. The resources cities had an absolute decline, and had a lower polarization degree than the non-resources cities.

城市群作为当前区域发展的主要空间载体,在区域发展竞争中扮演着越来越重要的角色。论文结合互联网大数据抓取等手段,以长江经济带5个城市群为研究对象,对城市群间要素集聚能力差异进行比较研究,发现：① 长江经济带城市群间要素集聚能力差异与长江经济带社会经济发展的区域差异相吻合,城市群要素集聚格局呈现出由东向西梯度衰减的分布特征;② 城际层面要素集聚能力差异的两极分化现象显著,以城市群首位城市为中心的要素集聚“核心—边缘”空间结构特征较为鲜明;③ 长江经济带城市群内科技创新、对外开放、金融等要素的集聚格局具有明显的差异分化和集聚分布指向特征;④ 长江经济带城市(群)要素集聚能力等级规模结构分布总体符合位序-规模法则,可分为“均衡型”和“离散型”2种类型,首位城市要素集聚首位度随城市群要素集聚能力高低呈现出“两端高、中间低”的特征。

As the main spatial carrier of regional development, urban agglomerations play an increasingly important role in regional development competition. This study took five urban agglomerations in the Yangtze River Economic Belt as the research object and used the Internet big data and other means to analyze their differences of factors aggregating ability and spatial patterns of factors aggregation. The main conclusions are as follows: 1) The difference in the factors aggregating ability between urban agglomerations in the Yangtze River Economic Belt is very significant. This difference is consistent with the regional differences in the level of social and economic developments within the Yangtze River Economic Belt. The agglomeration pattern of factors is characterized by a gradient from east to west. 2) The difference in factors aggregating ability between cities shows the characteristics of polarization, and the core-periphery spatial structure of factors agglomeration of the urban agglomerations is distinct. 3) In the Yangtze River Economic Belt the spatial agglomeration patterns of factors such as technological innovation, opening up, and finance show clear differentiation and centralized distribution features. 4) The rank-size structure distribution of factors aggregating ability of the five urban agglomerations in the Yangtze River Economic Belt is in line with the Zipf's law, and can be divided into two types: balanced and discrete. The relationship between the primacy ratio of urban agglomeration and factors aggregating ability of urban agglomerations presents a relationship of "high at both ends and low in the middle".

从有向多值关系视角,以中原城市群为案例区,对比分析静态网络、百度信息网络、综合交通网络的空间结构,选择经济、文化、行政、时间距离方面的7个因素构建关系回归模型,剖析3个网络的影响因素。结果表明：①3个网络之间的相关系数表现为：百度信息网络与综合交通网络>百度信息网络与静态网络>综合交通网络与静态网络且其值均高于0.582,表明整体的相似性大于差异性;②在空间结构上,3个网络均表现出以郑州为中心,以京广线和陇海线为发展轴,郑州、开封、新乡、洛阳、许昌构成了骨干网络,并形成辐射与集聚优势共存的中心片区;在中心片区之外,3个网络表现出明显的差异性特征。网络节点的辐射与集聚能力在百度信息与综合交通网络中均是正相关,而在静态网络中则是负相关;③关系回归模型的7个因素均对3个网络产生了不同程度的影响,其中企业合作、行业结构相似、经济制度邻近是影响3个网络相似性较强的因素,而收入差距、文化相似、行政隶属、平均时间距离是影响它们之间差异性的因素。本研究为关系转向下的城市体系研究提供了新的思路。

Urban system is one of the core subjects of human-economic geography. From the perspective of directed-multivalued relation, taking the Zhongyuan urban agglomeration as the case study area, a comparative study on spatial structures and influencing factors of multiple urban networks—static network, Baidu information network, and comprehensive transportation network—will provide a new train of thought for urban system research under relational transition. This study analyzed the hierarchical structure and the node structure of the networks of the Zhongyuan urban agglomeration, to extract generality and particularity of the three networks mentioned above. Furthermore, we built a relational regression model with the help of the quadratic assignment procedure (QAP) method to dissect the influencing factors of these three networks, from the aspects of economy, culture, administration, and time distance. The empirical results are as follows: (1) The correlation coefficients of the three networks are over 0.582, presented as Baidu information versus comprehensive transportation > Baidu information versus static > Comprehensive transportation versus static, and the overall similarity is stronger than the difference. (2) Integrating the three networks, the Zhongyuan urban agglomeration, a mononuclear spatial structure cored by Zhengzhou, consisted of two regional development belts along with the Beijing-Guangzhou railway and the Lianyungang-Lanzhou railway, and formed a central area with obvious advantages of radiation and concentration with a backbone network constituted by Zhengzhou, Kaifeng, Xinxiang, Luoyang, and Xuchang. Outside of the central area, the three networks showed obvious particularity. The radiation and agglomeration ability of cities have negative correlation in static network, while showed positive correlation in Baidu information network and comprehensive transportation network. (3) The seven influencing factors have different effects on the three networks. Enterprise cooperation, industrial structure similarity, and economic system proximity lead to the similarity of the three networks. Meanwhile, income gap, cultural similarity, administrative affiliation, and average time distance lead to their differences.

收缩城市是快速城市化过程中不可忽视的一类城市,按照城市人口变化格局,开展收缩城市分类研究,是发现城市人口“空洞”及变化特征的重要一环。国际上将收缩城市主要分为穿孔型、圈饼型和边缘型,中国的收缩城市究竟包括哪些类型?尚缺少研究证实。本文以中国实体城市为分析单位,利用百度慧眼2016年11月─2018年11月200 m格网的常住人口数据,发现常住人口减少的实体城市共1506座,占实体城市总量（3022座）的49.8%。选取人口较为密集且在研究时段内出现严重收缩现象的126座收缩城市为研究样本,探讨中国收缩城市分类问题。分析表明：126座收缩城市样本多分布在秦岭淮河一线以北地区,包括穿孔型、全局型、局部型、圈饼型、边缘型等5种类型。其中,穿孔型收缩城市最多,共47座（37.3%）,为中国收缩城市的主导类型,主要分布于黑龙江、内蒙古、甘肃;全局型收缩城市有33座（26.2%）,主要分布于甘肃、陕西;局部型收缩城市有25座（19.8%）,主要分布在黑龙江、内蒙古;圈饼型收缩城市有18座（14.3%）,主要分布在内蒙古;边缘型收缩城市有3座。“重速度、轻质量”的前半程城镇化,以“增长”为主导的城市规划执念,资源枯竭或经济转型导致传统工业企业衰落解体,政府主动调整下的产业转移等是产生穿孔型收缩城市的主因。研究为政府精细调整城市发展重心、优化土地利用结构、提高城市宜居性、开展收缩语境下的城市规划与设计,提供了科学依据。

In the context of rapid urbanization, shrinking cities cannot be ignored. The classification of shrinking cities according to the patterns of urban population changes is the key to reveal the "hollow" and changing characteristics of the population. Researchers classified the shrinking cities in Western developed countries as "perforated", "doughnut" and "peripheral" types. However, there is a lack of evidence showing the types of shrinking cities in China. This paper takes the redefined physical cities in China (excluding Hong Kong, Macao and Taiwan) as the study area, and employs Baidu Huiyan's 200 m × 200 m grid cell permanent population data from November 2016 to November 2018 to identify different types of shrinking cities in the country. Our results show that 1506 physical cities have experienced a population reduction between 2016 and 2018, accounting for 49.8% of the total number of physical cities (3022). Furthermore, in order to accurately identify the types of shrinking cities, 126 densely populated and severely shrinking cities during the study period were selected as the research samples, mainly located to north of the Qinling Mountains and Huaihe River of China. Our analysis shows that the shrinking types of the sample cities can be classified into five categories: "perforated", "complete", "local", "doughnut", and "peripheral". The number of cities with perforated shrinkage is the largest, which numbered 47 (37.3% of the sample cities), most of which are found in Heilongjiang Province, Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region and Gansu Province. Complete shrinkage ranks the second, including 33 cities, which accounts for 26.2% of the samples, and mainly distributed in Gansu and Shaanxi provinces. The numbers of shrinking cities with local, doughnut and peripheral types are 25, 18 and 3, respectively. These cities are mainly distributed in Heilongjiang and Inner Mongolia. This is because the governments paid more attention to the development speed over quality during the first half of China's urbanization process, and adopted a growth-oriented urban planning strategy. Traditional industries declined due to resource depletion or economic transformation, and the transfer of industries under active government adjustment, all of which contribute to the emergence of perforated shrinkage. This study could provide scientific evidence for micro management of urban development, optimization of land use pattern, improvement of urban livability, and conduct of urban planning and design in the context of urban shrinkage.

东北三省养育了全国8%的人口,但是改革开放以来人口不断外迁和流出,东北三省人口流失问题受到广泛关注。基于2000年以来的人口普查和抽样统计资料,系统地测算东北三省人口流失量,从省级和县市2个空间尺度分析东北三省人口流失的演化格局。主要结论包括：① 2000~2015年,东北三省人口出现持续流失,并且不断加剧。② 东北三省并不是中国人口流失最严重的地区。③ 东北三省内部出现较多人口流失的县市,空间范围呈现扩张。④ 经济动能不足是东北三省人口流失的主要原因。⑤ 东北三省人口发展的真正问题不在数量,而在人口质量和结构,包括人才流失严重、人口老龄化加剧、人口空间结构高度极化等。

Northeast China (Liaoning, Jilin and Heilongjiang) occupies 8% of total population in China. However, since the opening up and reforming, frequent population out-migration was on-going in Northeast China. The topic about population loss in Northeast China attracts more and more attentions. According to the census and sampling data after 2000, this research calculates the loss population in Northeast China. Based on the provincial scale and county-level scale data, the spatial pattern evolution of population loss is also figured out. The results are as follows. 1) Northeast China faced a continuous population loss during 2000-2015. And population loss in recent years has aggravated. 2) Northeast China is not the most serious population-losing region in China. 3) Most of counties or cities faced population loss in Northeast China. And population loss area in Northeast China was expanding. 4) The inactive economy development was the key affecting factor for the population loss in Northeast China. 5) The key issues that caused by population loss in Northeast China were population quality and demographic structure, such as brain drain, population aging, and population spatial polarization.This research aims to give some policy implications to the new round development in Northeast China.

城市收缩是中国新型城镇化建设面临的重大挑战。当前,经济社会转型的“流空间”效应导致城市相对收缩日益加剧。收缩型中小城市转型已上升至中国新型城镇化建设决策视野。然而,目前对有关城市相对收缩的认识明显不足。论文选取中小城市密集的典型地区——湖北省为案例区,构建城市相对收缩识别框架及面板数据回归模型,开展城市相对收缩格局动态及成因分析。结果表明：① 2006—2015年,湖北全省36个城市中有27个出现了相对收缩,其中,强相对收缩城市18个。相对收缩城市占比总体呈“东西高、中部低”的格局。“流空间”效应对湖北省中小城市收缩的影响显著。② 从“十一五”到“十二五”时期,除武汉市持续强相对扩张、襄阳市持续弱相对扩张外,相对收缩城市从21个增长到24个。③ 湖北省城市发展战略在推动鄂西地区城市发展方面取得了一定的实质性效果。但是,对于武汉城市圈及其外围150 km圈层区域而言,大中小城市协调发展效果不理想。④ 产业空间规模扩大及城市建设维护管理水平提升对于控制城市相对收缩具有重要的积极作用。最后,从推动湖北省城市协调发展、加强中小城市收缩管控方面探讨了政策建议。

城市化是一个“人口-经济-空间”三维一体的过程,其内在协调与否是城市可持续发展的关键所在。为此,首先通过构建人口、经济、空间城市化内在表征指标,运用均方差赋权法,以东北地区（指的是东北三省）34个地级市为研究对象,来综合测度其人口、经济、空间城市化水平;其次运用协调度评价模型对其协调程度进行评价;并在此基础上进行分类。研究结果表明：① 东北地区经济城市化主导人口、空间城市化,但整体水平不高,平均水平基本处于加速发展阶段（0.25~0.35）;② 人口、经济、空间城市化水平的空间分异明显,其中人口城市化整体呈现出由北往南递减的趋势,而经济城市化则成由南往北递减的趋势,两者“内在互补（互异）”趋势非常明显;③ 三者城市化协调度低,且区域差异明显,由南往北递减趋势非常明显;④ 依据彼此间协调度主宰程度,将其划分为综合协调导向型,人口-经济、人口-空间、经济-空间协调导向型4种类型。

Urbanization is a “population-economy-space” trine progress, and the coordination among them is the key to the sustainable development of city. In order to evaluate the coordination of the population-economy-space urbanization in Northeast China. In the article, firstly, the indexes of population urbanization, economy urbanization and space urbanization were constructed, and the standard variance method was used to make sure the weighs of eacry index, and then the 34 prefecture-level cities (mainly referring to the three in Northeastern provinces) were took as the research object, to measure the urbanization level of population, economy and space comprehensively. Secondly, the coordination estimate model was used to assess the coordination among of them, and then the coupling degrees was used to divide the 34 prefecture-level cities into several groups. The result shows that: ① The economy urbanization of Northeast China was leading the population urbanization and space urbanization and the whole level wasn’t high, basically at the average level from 0.25 to 0.35, which means it stated in the accelerating development stages.② the spatial differentiation characters of population urbanization, economy urbanization and space urbanization were very significant, in which the population urbanization showed a decreasing trend from north to south, while the economy urbanization showed a decreasing trend from south to north, between them “inner-complementary (internal difference)” character appeared very clear. ③ The coordination degree among population urbanization, economy urbanization and space urbanization was very small, and the regional differences were so significant that the degree showed decreasing trend from south to north. ④ According to the dominant coordination degrees among population-economy urbanization coordination degree, population-space urbanization coordination degree, economy-space urbanization coordination degree, the 34 prefecture-level cities were divided into 4 types.

国家出台大批国家级区域发展战略和各地制定相应的区域规划,给中国的人文-经济地理学带来了极好的发展机遇,其中,思考中国的区域制度是一个重要的理论命题。阐述了现行区域规划在内容体系上的“短板”,指出了“短板”的存在有中国区域制度的原因。通过“区域”的“政府”性质分析了区域规划中存在“短板”的必然性,进而讨论了中国“产权区域”制度下“区域”的“私人物品”特征、区域的竞争性和排他性,由此产生的区域与中央政府的博弈关系和区域外部性等问题。人文-经济地理学必须在区域制度方面深化对中国的区域规划、区域发展和区域关系等问题的认识。

A large number of state-level regional development strategies issued by the central government and corresponding regional planning formulated by the local governments, for China′s humanity-economic geography, has brought great opportunities for development. Why economic region in China is different from any other countries, why to develop in a high speed become a common problem among China′s economic regions, why China′s economic regions still did it in their own way although has been strongly condemned, if this economic regional system had something to do for China′s rapid development of economy, all the questions mentioned above are worth thinking for humanity-economic geographers. Dozens of regional strategies issued by the central government and corresponding regional planning have been established in recent years, all these strategies and planning are used by government as a means of macroeconomic regulation and control, and also used by the scholars in the field of region and urban planning as a means of service for practice. This paper think that government establishing regional strategies and planning which don′t follow the rules of market economy are always failure in many case, meanwhile, it′s side effects are very obvious, such as extensive development. excessive expansion of urban construction land, resources excessive consumption, coordinated development among regions. The content system of current regional planning has a "short board" for the reason of region system. The economic region in China is a kind of "property region" in nature, the government is the subject and representative of the region, under these condition, "property region" to "regional government" and the central government is in "personal items" characteristics. As long as it is a "personal items", the property region will inevitably be a selfish, competitive and exclusive, and conflict with the state's interests of public goods. Therefore, China's economic region must be competitive and exclusive. It is due to the competition among economic regions to make China′s regional system a institutional power to promote economic and social development. This paper also explains another three characteristics of China′s regional system. First, the market allocation of resources will always follow their own rules, when the governments intend to violate the rules of the market, the market is often pay no response, such as the irrational industrial development and population size prediction in the regional planning. Second, when the central government is no longer the main body of the resource allocation, the existence of game relation between local government and the central government makes the local government not to completely obey all the arrangement of the central government, especially the arrangement do not conform to the interests of the local government demands. The third, regional externalities is an objective phenomenon, regional development will bring to other regions positive or negative influence and will not assume responsibility or gains. China′s regional system has play an important role for its development, and is still in need of improvement, so, this field should be the direction of the fundamental theory research for humanity-economic geography.

城乡一体化对中国乡村振兴和城市—区域可持续发展的有效落实有重要意义,但当前快速城镇化发展进程中涌现了一批收缩型城市,其城乡一体化发展有什么特征、城市收缩是否对城乡一体化产生影响、产生什么样的影响等,成为新时期推进全民共同富裕目标研究中的核心科学问题。论文据此基于“城镇发展带动—产业发展与投入城乡协调—推进基本公共服务均衡和城乡收入差距缩小”的“动力—路径—目标”对城乡一体化内涵进行界定、构建评价指标体系,并以东北三省为例,从收缩城市与非收缩城市、收缩城市不同发展阶段、不同发展类型视角,对2010—2019年期间的城乡关系展开实证分析。结果表明：① 东北三省城乡一体化发展情况整体呈上升趋势,但整体发展水平较低且内部空间分异明显。② 城市收缩对城乡一体化发展表征出较为明显的影响,收缩城市的城乡一体化水平整体较非收缩城市要低、城乡二元结构特征更为明显。③ 收缩城市的城乡一体化发展水平存在收缩类型、收缩发展阶段的差异性：其城乡一体化水平由收缩初期阶段向收缩后期阶段逐渐降低,收缩类型上表征出资源依赖型收缩城市<综合型收缩城市<虹吸型收缩城市<区位制约型收缩城市的发展特征。故此得出收缩城市源于发展要素被“空间剥夺”而对城乡一体化发展产生影响,收缩城市的涌现不利于区域协调、城乡一体化融合发展,东北振兴中应充分考虑收缩城市的可持续发展问题。

Urban-rural integration has great significance for the effective implementation of rural revitalization and urban sustainable development in China, but shrinking cities have emerged in the process of rapid urbanization. Characteristics of urban-rural integration development of shrinking cities and the impact of urban shrinkage on urban-rural integration have become one of the core scientific issues to be addressed in the current research on promoting the goal of common prosperity in China. This study constructed an evaluation indicator system based on the definition of urban-rural integration, with the driving force-pathway-goal of "urban development driven-coordination of urban and rural investment-promoting the balance of basic public services and narrowing urban-rural income gaps". It took the three northeastern provinces as examples and conducted an empirical analysis of urban-rural relationship in 2010-2019 from the perspective of shrinking cities and non-shrinking cities, different development stages, and different development types of shrinking cities. The results show that: 1) The overall development of urban-rural integration in the three northeastern provinces showed an upward trend, but the development level is still low and the internal spatial differentiation is obvious. 2) Urban shrinkage has an obvious impact on urban-rural integration, and the overall level of urban-rural integration in shrinking cities is lower than that of non-shrinking cities. Urban and rural dual structure is more obvious in shrinking cities. 3) Urban-rural integration development level shows differences in cities of different shrinkage types and shrinkage development stages. The level of urban-rural integration decreased gradually from pre-shrinkage stage to post-shrinkage stage, and resource-dependent shrinking cities < comprehensive shrinking cities < "siphon" shrinking cities < location-constrained shrinking cities. Therefore, this study concluded that shrinking cities are affected by the "spatial deprivation" of development factors on urban-rural integration development. The emergence of shrinking cities is not conducive to regional coordination and the integration of urban and rural development, and the sustainable development of shrinking cities should be fully considered in the revitalization of Northeast China.