进入到“开发式扶贫”与“保护式扶贫”共同发挥作用的扶贫阶段之后，对于扶贫瞄准 的要求越来越高，“精准扶贫”政策也随之提出。社会精细化理论、参与式发展理论以及社会互 构论正是精准扶贫政策的理论基础。通过云南两个国家级贫困县的调研可以发现，在精准扶贫 政策具体执行过程中，容易出现精细化与碎片化、条块化的矛盾，制度性治理与运动式治理的矛 盾，以及社会扶贫与经济开发之间的矛盾。因此，亟待在制度层面、思维模式以及具体工作方法 等方面进行改革与调整，使精准扶贫政策能够更加有效地实施与落实。

精准扶贫已经实施多年，当下攻坚冲刺阶段所遇到的问题既不是源于政府投入不足，也同扶贫政策靶向不精准无关，而是目标群体的响应不充分造成的。从治理主体的角度判断，精准扶贫多为自上而下的科层制推动与实施，由于缺少自下而上的配合，难免遭遇到政策成本高、变相抵制与低度社会认同等窘境。“上下互动”能够克服当下科层制治理线性逻辑带来的负效应，从而有助于提升精准扶贫的有效性。

发展多维贫困度量方法和提高贫困识别精准度是近年国际贫困研究中的热点领域,也是中国未来提高农村扶贫实践质量和效率所面临的关键问题。本文借鉴国际上关于脆弱性—可持续生计框架模型在贫困研究中的学术思想,通过建立农村多维贫困测度指标体系和地理识别方法,对中国农村开展了县域尺度的贫困地理识别,并与单维度收入贫困以及国家最新认定的扶贫开发重点县进行了对比分析,最后对识别的多维贫困县按扶贫措施相似性进行了类型划分。研究结果表明：655个县级单元被识别为多维度贫困县,涉及农村人口1.41亿人;空间分布集中连片特征显著,青藏高原及其周边的南疆三地州、黄土高原西部、滇西—川西高山峡谷区为最大的连片贫困区;有71.79%的国家重点贫困县与识别结果重叠,与国家重点贫困县对比,识别的多维贫困县在各单维度和综合维度都处于更劣势水平;多维贫困县被划分为金融资本缺乏型、人力资本缺乏型、基础建设缺乏型、金融基建兼缺型、人力基建兼缺型、生计途径缺乏型、生存条件缺乏型和发展条件缺乏型8种类型。

Developing methods for measuring multi-dimensional poverty and improving the accuracy of poverty identification have been the hot topics in international poverty research for decades. In light of the academic thoughts of the vulnerability and sustainable livelihood analysis framework, this paper establishes an index system and a method for geographical identification of multi-dimensional poverty, and carries out a county-level identification in rural China. Furthermore, this study makes a comparison between the identification result, income poverty and the latest designated poor regions by the Chinese government. At last, the identified multi-dimensional poor counties are classified by the similarity of poverty reduction measures. The results show that: (1) Taking the vulnerability and sustainable livelihood analysis framework proposed by DFID as theoretical basis, we build an index system of multi-dimensional poverty identification to reflect the farmers' livelihoods that multiple factors work on. It is feasible to develop a composite Multi-dimensional Development Index (MDI) for the integrated method of geographical identification of multi-dimensional poverty in rural China. (2) A total of 655 counties are identified as multi-dimensional poor counties. They are concentrated and jointly distributed in space, in which the Tibetan Plateau and its neighboring areas of three prefectures in southern Xinjiang, western Loess Plateau, mountainous and gully areas in western Yunnan and Sichuan, are suffering greatly from poverty. Besides, poor counties are mainly in Wumeng-Daliang mountainous areas, Yunnan-Guizhou-Guangxi rocky desertification areas, border mountainous areas in Yunnan, Wuling mountainous areas, Qinling-Daba mountainous areas, Shanxi-Shaanxi gully areas and Yanshan-Taihang mountainous areas. (3) In comparison to the latest designated poor counties, this paper targets at poor counties with more disadvantages at both single and multiple dimensions. Some 71.79% of designated poor counties overlap with identified poor counties. By contrast, the majority of the designated poor counties located in mountainous areas of central or eastern China do not belong to identified poor counties because of much less disadvantage/deprivation dimensions. However, the identified poor counties, which are mainly distributed in marginal areas of plateau or mountainous areas in western China, and suffering from multiple dimensions of disadvantages and deprivations, are not included in the designated poor counties. (4) According to the disadvantage/deprivation situation of different dimensions, multi-dimensional poor counties are classified into eight types, i.e., lack of financial capital, lack of human capital, lack of infrastructure, lack of both financial capital and infrastructure, lack of both human capital and infrastructure, lack of means/strategies of livelihoods, lack of living condition, and lack of development condition.

精确度量行政村贫困特征是当前贫困精准识别及全面脱贫的国家战略需要。基于“十二五”期间全国“整村推进”贫困村数据,构建空间贫困视角下的多维贫困度量模型综合测算全国范围内贫困村的贫困程度,基于指标贡献度分解与线性回归方法挖掘贫困村的致贫因素,利用最小方差模型（LSE）区分贫困村的贫困类型,并结合空间计量分析技术揭示贫困村的空间分布分异特征,为面向2020年全面脱贫的国家战略提供辅助决策支撑。结果表明：① 中国贫困村近一半处于中度贫困,且贫困程度与贫困规模存在显著的地域性。② 通路情况较差、自然灾害频发、收入水平低下、劳动力状况不佳是中国贫困村的主要致贫因素,显著性指标包括通路率、地貌类型、遭受自然灾害频次、人均纯收入、劳动力比例、劳动力文化素质等。③ 中国贫困村整体呈多因素致贫,三因素支配型、四因素协同型、五因素联合型贫困分布相对较高。④ “整村推进”扶贫工作初见成效,对促进贫困村可持续发展起到了较好的推进作用,但贫困村具有各自贫困特征,需进一步地因地制宜,因村施策,开展针对性帮扶工作。

It is a China's strategic demand to systematically and accurately measure the poverty characteristics of poverty-stricken areas from the perspective of village-level poverty. In this context, this paper constructs a multidimensional poverty evaluation model from the perspective of spatial poverty, and combines the decomposition of indicator contribution degree and linear regression method to explore poverty contributing factors. Then it adopts LSE (Least Square Error) model and geostatistics analysis model to classify the villages' poverty types and spatial distribution difference, so as to grasp the whole poverty characteristics, poverty contributing factors and poverty types of poor villages all over the country and to provide auxiliary decision-making support services for eradicate poverty in 2020. Taking 51461 villages in China as a case, we can draw some conclusions as follows: (1) The distribution of poverty-stricken villages has an obvious regional characteristic from the perspectives of poverty level and poverty size, and most poor villages are concentrated in contiguous destitute areas, showing a pattern of high in the west and low in the east. In view of poverty level, there exists an obvious olive-shaped structure of big in the middle and small on two sides, and nearly half of the poverty-stricken villages are moderately poor. (2) China's poor villages have four main poverty contributing factor dimensions, i.e., harsh transportation conditions, frequent natural disasters, low income and poor labor force qualities, of which, the significant poverty contributing factors are road access ratio, terrain type, suffered frequency of natural disaster, per capita net income, labor force ratio, ratio of illiterate labor forces, etc. (3) China's poor villages are driven by multiple poverty types, among which, those villages with three-factor dominated, four-factor collaborative and five-factor combined types have a relatively high proportion. (4) "Entire-village Advancement" poverty reduction strategy has achieved an initial performance, improved the village's sustainable development environment and raised the income of poor population. However, each village has its own poverty characteristics, therefore, anti-poverty measures should be adjusted according to its respective local conditions.

精准扶贫方略作为“一揽子工程”,为贫困乡村带来了强烈的外部冲击,驱动贫困乡村的经济、社会和空间加速重构。在对精准扶贫驱动贫困乡村重构的内涵、特征及过程与机制进行理论解析的同时,以精准扶贫首倡地十八洞村的实践加以实证,发现：① 精准扶贫驱动贫困乡村重构是一个政府主导、多方参与,“自上而下”与“自下而上”有机结合的多维、全面、快速重构过程;② 在精准扶贫驱动贫困乡村重构过程中,行政势能、精英下沉、市场链接驱动,要素整合、动力激发、规划引导、能力培育、制度保障机制协同,推动贫困乡村由“低水平贫困均衡”走向“良性发展均衡”;③ 精准扶贫以来,十八洞村经历了经济系统从“二元经济”向“多元经济”转变;社会形态由纯粹的熟人社会向熟人逻辑与契约精神混合的半熟人社会转变;空间形态从生产、生活空间高度重合,但与生态空间隔离的两大传统农业区组团向生产、生活、生态空间有机融合的多元有序组团转变。十八洞村的实践为理解精准扶贫驱动贫困乡村重构的过程与机制提供了鲜活的样本,也是其“可复制可推广”经验最本质的体现。

As a "package of projects", the targeted poverty alleviation strategy has accelerated economic, social and spatial reconstruction of rural areas. This paper aims to conduct a theoretical analysis of the connotation, characteristics, process, and mechanism of targeted poverty alleviation that drives poor rural reconstruction and provide empirical evidence of Shibadong Village, which is the first initiative of targeted poverty alleviation. It is found that targeted poverty alleviation is a process of multidimensional, comprehensive, and rapid reconstruction that is led by the government with multi-party participation in combination of "top-down" and "bottom-up" approaches. The process of targeted poverty alleviation changes the poor rural areas from 'low-level poverty equilibrium' to 'healthy development equilibrium' through a combination of administrative power, sending elites to the village level, improving market accessibility, and coordination of factor integration, motivation, planning, training and institutional guarantee mechanisms. Since the implementation of the targeted poverty alleviation, Shibadong Village has transformed from a dualistic economy to a pluralist economy, from a pure acquaintance society to a semi-acquaintance society with a mixture of acquaintance logic and contract spirit, and from a spatial form highly overlapped from the production and living spaces, yet separated from the ecological space to a diverse and orderly cluster of organic integration of production, living and ecological space. The practice of Shibadong Village provides a fresh sample for us to understand the process and mechanism of the restructuring of poverty-stricken villages, and it is also an essential embodiment of its "reproducible and extendable" experience.

For the social theorists of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, measurement, quantification and calculation were of particular social and political significance. Karl Marx, inCapital, based his critique of classical political economy on an analysis of the quantification of labour as a commodity. Max Weber, inEconomy and Society, emphasized the importance of rational calculation in the conduct of modern bureaucratic organizations. And in his major work,The Philosophy of Money, Georg Simmel highlighted what he called ‘the calculating character of modern times'.

This paper is concerned with the relationship between material culture and spatiality. Through the example of the ceramics collection in the City Museum and Art Gallery in Stoke-on-Trent, England, an analysis is made of the topological character of space that is folded around certain objects on display. Ozzy the Owl, a 17th-century slipware owl jug, who was discovered on BBC TV's Antiques Roadshow in 1990 and subsequently bought by the museum, is seen as an agent that is constituted by the folding together of preface and afterword in the museum display, unsettling its (Euclidian) geometry, (Kantian) aesthetic and discourse of improvement (organized around Wedgwood). Ozzy brings complexity and connection; his contingent location within the museum's heterogeneous material network reveals the functional blankness of objects and the effect this can have in performing new topological arrangements in a space, revealing the friability and partial connectedness of its narrativity.

This is a paper about the topological presuppositions that frame the performance of social similarity and difference. It argues that 'the social' does not exist as a single spatial type, but rather performs itself in a recursive and topologically heterogeneous manner. Using material drawn from a study of the way in which tropical doctors handle anaemia, it explores three different social topologies. First, there are 'regions' in which objects are clustered together, and boundaries are drawn round each cluster. Second, there are 'networks' in which distance is a function of relations between elements, and difference a matter of relational variety. These two forms of spatiality are often mobilized in social theory. However, we argue that there are other kinds of social space, and here consider the possible character of a third, that of 'fluid spatiality'. In this, places are neither delineated by boundaries, nor linked through stable relations: instead, entities may be similar and dissimilar at different locations within fuid space. In addition, they may transform themselves without creating difference.

行动者网络理论以一种结构化的方式来构建行为主体之间的关系, 并将要素流动和网络化互动形态纳入分析范畴, 为各学科研究提供了全新的视角, 在人文地理领域的应用也日渐增多。本文在总结行动者网络理论主要内容的基础上, 分类归纳评述了行动者网络理论在不同分支研究领域的应用主题和方式, 并就研究的深度、广度、影响力进行国内外对比。研究表明, 行动者网络理论对人与非人行动者的一致看待及其通过转译过程解析网络关系的研究模式, 除强化了经济地理等领域的理论建构之外, 也为乡村地理、城市地理、经济地理、旅游地理等领域的地方发展、政策实践研究提供了一种有效的分析方法。引入该理论的人文地理研究引用频次高, 有较大的学术影响。目前国内研究多停留在行动者网络理论分析框架的直接套用, 极少涉及分析框架改进和理论思考, 在广度和深度上与国际研究仍有差距。

Recently, the actor-network theory (ANT) was widely applied to the field of human geography. ANT approach provides a new perspective by allowing researchers to take into consideration the flow of factors and network interaction. After a brief introduction of ANT, this paper summarizes the progress of ANT applications to human geography by summing up the application topics and methods in different branches, and compares the gap between international and domestic researches. This paper reveals that ANT promotes the progress of human geography in both theory and application. Most theoretic explorations happened in the field of economic geography: the relational economic geography based on ANT provides new angle for the reconstruction of "postmodernism" economic geography theory system. In application, analytical framework of ANT applied to the field of human geography emphasizes actors, translation process, and the result, with special attention to the spatial changes as verification of the effect of actor network. ANT uses a structural way to construct the main actor behaviors, resulting in an effective analysis framework for local development and policy implementation research in every branch of human geography. High citation rates of ANT applied research papers indicate ANT approach is now attracting more and more attention in the field of human geography. However, compared to international researches, domestic researches are relatively lagged and limited. Currently, domestic researches still remain in the stage of applying ANT analysis framework directly with little thinking about theory improvement, while international research is starting to rethink the limitations of ANT approach. Based on recent rethinking of ANT use, this study emphasizes that analytical framework of ANT should be highlighted and the use of ANT should carefully control the size of the network and the list of actors, due to the uncertain research paradigm.

资源型城市在我国城市体系中占有重要地位，其转型是我国面临的重大现实问题。现有研究已分析了转型的原因、症结并给出相应对策建议，但对转型战略的实施机制、相关新旧作用者的识别及其动态博弈过程的研究较为欠缺。因此选取成功转型的典例城市多特蒙德，从行动者网络视角分析了其转型背后的人类、非人类行动者之间复杂交互过程，链接其与动态城市转型的关系，并通过访谈获取后转型时期公众对于城市社会文化转型的认识，从而为中国资源型城市转型提供借鉴。研究表明多特蒙德城市转型是多阶段多主体在多种利益驱使下的复杂博弈过程，且前期作用者行为在后期会产生重大影响。多特蒙德新兴产业的成功依托于动态博弈后的新旧企业角色的不断转化、管理机构政策的不断调节以及工会、协会、咨询公司等第三方主体的进入。

As resource-dependent cities have occupied an important position in China's urban system, the transformation of these cities has become a critical issue that China must face at present. Although various scholars have greatly analyzed the reasons and difficulties for the transformation of these cities, and provided transformation strategies accordingly, comprehensive discussions are still unavailable on the implementing of these strategies, identifying stake holders in these strategies, and the dynamics of these game processes. Therefore, we chose Dortmund, a typical city undertaken the successful transition, to analyze its complex process of interaction between human and non-human actors behind the transition from the perspective of ANT. We try to get a comprehensive understanding of the transition of Dortmund not only include economic transition itself but also the social-cultural effect. We find that the transition of Dortmund can be divided into several stages and in different stage the game is played by different stake holders for their own interest. The actors' behavior in the early stage would have a significant impact in the later stage. The success of Dortmund's emerging industries depends on the changing roles of old and new enterprises after dynamic game, the constant adjustment of management policies and the entry of trade unions, associations, consulting companies and others.

在电商兴起和旧城更新的背景下,传统批发市场出现衰退趋势,亟需转型升级。本文在梳理广州市一德路海味干货市场转型历史的基础上,得出市场近年经历了由衰退到出现电商再到综合升级的初步判断,并构建了一德市场电商化的行动者网络模型探讨转型机制和效应。通过深入的现场调查,详尽分析人类行动者如商、客、政府和非人类行动者如海味干货商品、网络在电商化过程中的作用,得出具体的转型新模式。研究表明：①传统批发市场经过电商化转型,不会走向单一电商化或地理空间无用化的极端,而是出现综合多样的业态形式,如电商和实体、批发和零售4种类型的交叉组合;②在引发传统批发市场转型的多元行动者力量中,非人类主体如商品和网络发挥着巨大的作用,如商品的客观特性阻碍着地理空间的消除,而网络引发人们对空间重要性的重新权衡和促进对实物商品的升级改造。

Under the background of prosperous development of E-commerce and old city renewal, traditional wholesale markets are declining, and their transformation and upgrading are needed. In order to guide the upgrading of wholesale markets and old city space, this study took the Guangzhou Yide Seafood Market as an example to examine the mechanism and effects of its transformation. The author conducted an in-depth field research from November 2016 to March 2017 by methods of participatory observation, structured interview, snowball sampling, and questionnaire survey. Based on the history of the Yide Market from the Ming Dynasty, this article draws an preliminary conclusion that the market in recent years experienced a recessionary stage, followed by the emergence of E-commerce and comprehensive upgrading. The article then discusses the transformation mechanism and its effects by constructing an actor-network model of E-commercialization of the Yide Market. It analyzes the effects of human and non-human actors in the process of transformation by in-depth field investigation and shows that the Yide Market contains five kinds of actors—customers, the government, businesses, commodities, and network platform. In the stage of "problematization," the non-human actors, networks, and seafood dry cargo commodity showed strong guiding power and control. Then the government mobilized other actors to participate in E-commerce in the stage of "enrolment and mobilization," and businesses made different choices in the "interestement" stage. Next, role differentiations of businesses and customers became apparent, caused mainly by the actor network. Finally, the measures of self-guiding and self-management by the chamber of commerce maintained the feasibility of E-commerce along with supervision by the government. Thus the alliance of interests of the actor network was finally built. The research found that after the E-commerce transformation, traditional wholesale market would not develop to the extremity of single E-commercialization or geospatial invalidation, but form comprehensive and multiple commercial activity forms such as combinations of online and offline wholesale and retail, and that diverse powers of actors would lead the transformation of traditional wholesale markets. Non-human subjects such as products and the Internet are contributing great effects, for example, the objective characteristics of goods to be inspected hinders the elimination of geographical space, while the Internet causes people to reconsider the importance of space and upgrade the physical goods.

大都市近郊美丽乡村的建设为城市居民假日消费提供了新的场所,成为一种新型都市居民消费空间。运用行动者网络理论,对南京市江宁区“世凹桃源”大世凹美丽乡村的重构过程与机制进行分析。指出美丽乡村建设的背后是一个以地方政府为关键行动者的异质行动者网络,主要实现了乡村物质生活空间的改变。随着政府目标意图的转变,鼓励政策退出及市场机制进入,行动者网络重新调整,消费者和外来经营者成为关键行动者,相应地呈现从美丽乡村到都市居民消费空间的转变,即进一步实现社会空间的重构。由于行动者网络是一个充满利益争夺和协商的动态连接,社会空间的重构也是一个持续的过程。研究表明,美丽乡村不仅是提供村民生活和游客抒情怀旧的场所,而且是一个存在权力关系且动态变化的行动者网络空间。政府、组织、村民、消费者、资本、景观、文化等异质性行动者自身的定义与再定义,以及相互之间的作用构成美丽乡村形成与转变机制。揭示了在乡村建设与转型发展过程中,政府及政策的作用机制及其有效时域,市场机制的灵活性及其所带来的利益争端与社会不公问题。

Recently emerging beautiful villages in suburbs provide citizens very places for recreation, and can be considered as a new kind of urban residents' consumption space. From the perspective of actor-network theory, this study analyses the social-spatial reconstruction of Dashiao village. Through the tracing of translation, including four stages of problematization, interessement, enrollment and mobilization, the process and mechanism of the reconstruction of Dashiao beautiful village and the later consumption space was explored. It was manifested in the following four aspects: 1) In the process of the transformation from an usual village to a beautiful village, there was a heterogeneous actor-network, in which Jiangning District government played a focal role mainly by improving the physical environment of the village. 2) Heterogeneous actors changed their roles through urban residents' consumption activities. Along with the quit of incentives launched by government to rural residents, market mechanisms involved, district government and market forces of foreign business and consumers allied to become alternative focal actors, while villagers withdrew to the periphery of the actor network, which contributed to the re-establishment of actor network and the beautiful village's transformation to urban residents' consumption space. In order to meet consumers' demand, everyday lives of villagers' was represented partially to show the imaged rural life, but the real lives of villages was marginalized or hidden. Non-native culture and life style was transplanted or symbolically adopted, while the original village was fading away. 3) This paper explains the mechanism of social-spatial reconstruction of Dashiao village through the two sequential actor networks and how it transformed from the first to second. The transformation of intended target, which should be decided by focal actor of the actor network, the local government, from improving the physical environment to promotion of economic development determined the direction of the reconstruction of social space, as well as outside investment managers, and consumers attended and became key actors. Changes of structure and channel of interests in the actor network lead to the exit, redefinition and entering of actors. The reconstruction of social space is an ongoing process since the actor network is a dynamic connection, fulfilling of interests conflicts and negotiation. 4) From the actor-network perspective, beautiful village was not only a place for villagers' living and the tourists' poetic nostalgia, but also a networked space which is weaved of complex and dynamic relations of power. This paper points out the effectiveness and the time limitation of government and policy mechanisms, and the flexibility of the market mechanism, which brings about interest conflicts and social injustice. In the case of Dashiao, local residents withdrew from the masters of the village to marginalized role of urban residents' consumption space, and they have never played key actors during the establishment of the above two actor-networks.

乡村旅游作为农村空间商品化的表现形式之一,在增加农民收入、阻止农村衰退、振兴农村经济方面发挥着重要作用。为此本文以北京市昌平区麻峪房村的乡村旅游为例,借助行动者网络理论分析农村空间商品化的形成与演变,并讨论农户在此过程中的参与。麻峪房村在从农民生活空间转变为城市居民消费空间的过程中,形成了以区旅游局、乡旅游公司为关键行动者,并吸纳了多个人类和非人类行动者所构成的行动者网络。在网络形成的过程中农户参与乡村旅游的程度逐渐提高,由此推动了麻峪房村农村空间商品化的发展。麻峪房村演变为城市居民消费空间后,由于行动者网络发生变化使农村空间商品化发生变化,导致麻峪房村农村空间商品化程度降低。同时新的行动者网络中的各行动者的不对等性明显,各行动者之间存在很多异议,使该网络趋于僵化、丧失活力,不足以支撑麻峪房村乡村旅游继续发展。在麻峪房村农村空间商品化的形成过程中,农户的院落区位、年龄与原有工作等对农户参与乡村旅游的意愿产生不同的影响。当农村地区行动者网络中的关键行动者与行动者利益共通且紧密联系时,其空间商品化就得到强化,反之亦然。

Along with the development of facility agriculture, horticultural agriculture and leisure agriculture, nowadays, the functions of agricultural production in rural areas have been weakened but the functions of consumption have been increased in Beijing. This shows that the commodification of rural space in Beijing has been developed in recent years. Rural tourism, as one of the important forms of the commodification of rural space, has played an important role in increasing farmers' income, preventing rural decline and revitalizing rural economy. Therefore, this paper selects rural tourism as the representative of the commodification to examine the formation and evolution of spatial commodification of rural space in Mayufang village as well as to explore farmers' participation in this process based on the actor network theory. In the process of the transformation, the rural areas being the farmers' producing and living spaces have changed to the urban residents' leisure and consumption spaces in Mayufang village and formed a heterogeneous actor-network, in which Tourism Bureau of Changping District and Changling Travel Company and other human actors and non-human actors have played a focal role. Major actors used the policy and the financial support to enroll farmers and other actors by the top-down executive network. Along with development of promotion, training, supervision and infrastructure, some local farmers started to create the physical and non-physical environments for the urban residents' consumption activities. Thus more and more farmers have been engaged in rural tourism, and the commodification of rural spaces in Mayufang village has been developed. As Mayufang village became the consumption space to the urban residents, the commodification of rural space in Mayufang village started its transformation of actor network. However, with the quit of non-human actors, which is Duijiuyu Natural Beauty and reduction of incentives launched by the original major actors, the representative of market has become the focal actor in the new actor network. More and more farmers, who were against the common purpose of the actor network were excluded, quitted the former actor network, thus commodification in rural space in Mayufang village declined. In the process of the formation of commodification of rural space in Mayufang village, the farmers who had the advantages of location, age and profession have much stronger desire to be involved in rural tourism, unemployed farmers prefer to be involved in rural tourism than farmers who make a living on agriculture. The farmers who worked in township enterprises are more willing to participate in rural tourism than self-employed business persons; villagers employed in the government units have less possibility to take part in rural tourism. While commodification of rural space in Mayufang village has declined, farmers began to transfer the labor force to other professions from rural tourism. When interests of major actors are commonly and inextricably linked with actors in actor network in rural areas, its commodification in rural space is strengthened, and vice versa.

基于行动者网络理论,对顺德区杏坛镇“逢简水乡”的空间重构过程与机制进行分析。结果表明：① 逢简村的空间转型过程分为旅游型美丽乡村的建设和运营2个阶段。② 美丽乡村建设阶段是以地方政府为关键行动者,形成了以权力为核心的自上而下征召的行动者网络,实现了乡村环境的综合整治,为运营阶段做准备。③ 运营阶段的行动者网络发生了转变,村集体、村民和其他下层行动者逐渐拥有更多的话语权,强化村民自治经营能力,增加了村内的公共空间建设并推进功能性空间的转化,进入了社区营造和经营阶段。④ 乡村转型发展的过程中,行动者网络的结构处于时时动态调整的状态,乡村空间转型与重组呈现出一个持续的过程。随着关键行动者目的转变、社区营造机制的引入（征召方式的改变）,网络中的行动者角色发生变化,促成行动者网络转变,进而对乡村空间转型与重构产生作用。

With China’s rural transformation development, the rural space is facing a significant reconstruction. This article analyzes the process and mechanism of spatial reconstruction of "Fengjian" in Xingtan Town, Shunde District, Foshan City by using the theory of actor network. The results shown that this village had experienced two stages: the construction phase of the tourism-type beautiful countryside and the operation phase of cultural tourism-type village. With the local government acting as the key actor, the actor network of the construction is authority-based and realized the reconstruction of the ecology, living and production space. The operation phase of the network has changed, with the village committee, villagers and other lower-level actors gradually gaining more right to speak, which increased the public space and promoted the transformation of functional space. The mechanism of the actor's network transformation is mainly due to the change of the key actor's purpose, the adoption of the community empowerment (changing the way of enrolment), and the change of the actor's role in the network. As the actor network is in a dynamic process, rural spatial reconstruction is also a continuous process. The reconstruction of the rural space caused the dissolution of rurality. But under protection of the government and the villagers with high awareness of the reserving rural nature, a good demonstration of balancing the villagers’ interest and rurality was present.

立足于乡村空间多元分化研究的学术背景,采用深度访谈法,结合行动者网络分析框架,对深圳市官湖村民宿集群旅游空间发展的过程和空间重构效应进行分析。结果表明：①民宿业主和熟人网络是官湖村民宿旅游发展的核心行动者,在其主导推动下实现了乡村物质景观空间和社会空间的转型和重构。②官湖村的空间重构过程中,民宿旅游的行动者网络空间随着熟人网络的不断建构和转译而促成越来越多分散的人力资本、经济资本和社会资本集中并转化为官湖村发展的社会资源。民宿业主和熟人网络共同构成了官湖村发展的非结构性动力主体。③外来行动者构建的新型社会熟人网络,与官湖村传统社会熟人网络因无法完成转译过程和连通,造成官湖村民宿业主等群体和当地村民等群体的社会分化隔离与关系网络的权力斗争,进而引起动力机制从非结构性向二元动力机制转变,带来新的物质空间重构。④在共享经济演进过程中,官湖村形成一种基于社会熟人关系网络,线下为主并与线上相结合的商品共享和服务交易的新型共享经济模式,是一种比互联网中介更加低成本的共享方式。

Based on the academic discussion of multivariate differentiation of rural space, this article analyzes the spatial development process and effects of homestay area in Guanhu Village in Shenzhen using the in-depth interview method and the actor-network theory. The results show that: (1) Homestay place owners and acquaintance networks are the key actors in the development of Guanhu Village, which helped realizing the transformation and restructuring of the rural material space as well as the social space. (2) In the spatial restructuring process of Guanhu Village, the actor-network space of homestay tourism was formed with the continuous construction and translation of acquaintance network, and increasingly the previously dispersed human, economic, and social capitals became concentrated and transformed to social resources. Therefore, the homestay place owners and acquaintance networks forms the nonstructural driving force in the development of Guanhu Village. (3) The new social acquaintance network constructed by external actors and the traditional social acquaintance network of Guanhu Village cannot complete the process of translation and communicate, not only causing the social differentiation between homestay place owners and the local residents and isolation, but also bringing about power struggle within the relationship network, which results in the transformation of dynamic mechanism from nonstructural to binary dynamic mechanism and further restructuring of material space. (4) Based on the social acquaintance network, Guanhu Village has formed a new model of shared economy, which is combined with the Internet platform for sharing goods and services as a cheaper alternative compared with the Internet intermediaries.

This paper outlines a new approach to the study of power, that of the sociology of translation. Starting from three principles, those of agnosticism (impartiality between actors engaged in controversy), generalised symmetry (the commitment to explain conflicting viewpoints in the same terms) and free association (the abandonment of all a priori distinctions between the natural and the social), the paper describes a scientific and economic controversy about the causes for the decline in the population of scallops in St. Brieuc Bay and the attempts by three marine biologists to develop a conservation strategy for that population. Four ‘moments’ of translation are discerned in the attempts by these researchers to impose themselves and their definition of the situation on others: (a) problematisation: the researchers sought to become indispensable to other actors in the drama by denning the nature and the problems of the latter and then suggesting that these would be resolved if the actors negotiated the ‘obligatory passage point’ of the researchers' programme of investigation; (b) interessement: a series of processes by which the researchers sought to lock the other actors into the roles that had been proposed for them in that programme; (c) enrolment: a set of strategies in which the researchers sought to define and interrelate the various roles they had allocated to others; (d) mobilisation: a set of methods used by the researchers to ensure that supposed spokesmen for various relevant collectivities were properly able to represent those collectivities and not betrayed by the latter. In conclusion it is noted that translation is a process, never a completed accomplishment, and it may (as in the empirical case considered) fail.