随着全球经济格局调整和规则重构,全球“第四次产业转移浪潮”为中国轮轴式产业集群升级提供了一扇“区位机会窗口”。基于对以奇瑞汽车集群为代表的轮轴式产业集群实地调研,通过企业半结构式访谈和问卷调查,研究了2014年集群内部企业间的产业联系网络、创新合作网络和社会交流网络,深度刻画了企业网络结构特征和形成机理。研究发现：① 企业网络中心性较为突出,呈现显著的“核心—边缘”结构。说明以QR为代表的核心企业在集群内部拥有绝对的“市场权利”“技术权利”和“网络权利”,对企业网络形成具有重要的支配作用;② 企业网络整体发育层次较低,差异较大。其中产业联系网络发育水平相对较高,创新合作网络最低,说明企业间交往仍以产品垂直供货和水平分工协作为基础,虽然在核心企业主导下外围节点间存在社会交流现象但程度相对较弱,同时汽车生产系统技术差异及“小团体”“俱乐部”等现象也导致企业间创新合作网络的发育迟缓。③ 企业网络建构是地理临近性、关系异质性和认知互动性共同作用的结果。其中,企业地理空间接近和面对面交流为网络形成提供了基本条件,企业关系资产和行动者网络为网络形成提供了介质条件,企业技术关联和路径创造为网络形成提供了保障条件。

Along with the adjustment of world economic structure and the reconstruction of global rules, "the fourth wave of industrial transfer" in the world provides an opportunity window of "Hub-and-Spoke" cluster in China. Within the "Hub-and-Spoke" cluster, the division of labor and the strengthening of social relations gradually form complex enterprise networks. Taking Chery automobile cluster as a typical representative of "Hub-and-Spoke" cluster, this study is conducted based on in-depth interview and questionnaire survey for a long period time to measure the characteristics and the construction mechanism of enterprise networks. Some conclusions are drawn as follows: (1) Enterprise networks centrality is very prominent and networks presents a significant "core-periphery" structure. It is pointed out that the core enterprises represented by QR have the absolute "market rights", "technical rights" and "network rights" in the cluster, which have played an important role in the construction of the enterprise networks; (2) The overall development level of enterprise networks is relatively low, but the differences are large. Industrial network is relatively high, however, the innovation network is still the lowest. Vertical supply and horizontal division of products are still the main forms of enterprise communication. Although there is a phenomenon of social interaction among enterprises, the degree is relatively weak. At the same time, the technical differences in production system and the "small club" also lead to the slow development of the innovation network. (3) The construction of enterprise networks are the results of the interaction of the geographic proximity, the relationship heterogeneity and the cognitive interaction. Geographic spatial proximity and face-to-face communication provide the basic condition for network formation. Enterprise relationship assets and actor networks offer the medium conditions for network formation. Enterprise technology association and path creation furnish the guarantee conditions for network formation.

产业集群的理论本质在于专业化集聚基础上的地方化结网。基于对奇瑞汽车集群跟踪研究,获取了2005年、2010年、2014年的企业关系数据,刻画了企业网络演化过程及驱动机制。发现：① 1997~2014年,奇瑞汽车集群网络经历了“松散型网络-紧凑型网络-开放型网络”演化过程,网络密度和聚类系数不断增强,平均最短路径不断缩小,其中产业联系网络发育最为成熟,社会交流网络次之,创新合作网络发育最不完善;② 奇瑞汽车集群网络演化机制本质上是路径依赖机制（政府作用、关系资源）,关系选择机制（战略择定、市场选择）及学习创新机制（技术交流）共同作用的结果。在松散型网络、紧凑型网络和开放型网络阶段,路径依赖机制、关系选择机制和学习创新机制分别发挥主导性作用;③ 奇瑞主导型集群网络正逐渐从地方集群网络向跨区域、跨集群网络发展,这与全球汽车产业网络整体发展相一致。

The theory of the industrial cluster is professional networking based on local agglomeration. Based on the tracking research of Chery Automotive Cluster,the evolution process and driving mechanism of enterprise network were depicted due to the data of enterprise relations in 2005, 2010 and 2014. The study found:1) From 1997 to 2014, cluster networks hadexperienced ‘loose networks-tightnetworks-open networks’ stage. The density and coefficient of clusternetworkswere constantly increasing, and the average shortest paths were decreasing. Among them, industrial connection networkswerethe most mature, and innovation cooperation networkswere the most imperfect. 2) Based onthe ‘selection-genetic-variation’ theory, the evolution mechanism of networks wereessential the results of path dependence mechanism (government function, relationship inheritance), relationship selection mechanism (strategic choice, market selection) and learning innovation mechanisms(technical exchange). In the loose networks, the tight networks and the open networks stage, the path dependence mechanism, the relationship selection mechanism and the learning innovation mechanism played the leading role respectively. 3) The enterprise networksweregradually developing from the local cluster networks to cross-regional and cross-cluster networks, which was consistent with the overall development of the global automotive industry networks.

以汽车产业为例,采用中心性、E-I指数和核心-边缘模型等网络分析方法,分析2003~2013年间,全球整车及零部件贸易在全球化和区域化力量共同作用下的演化特征。结果显示：① 整车贸易和零部件贸易的全球化程度和区域化程度均有所提高,但贸易全球化特征相对更明显;② 整车贸易网络核心一直为德、日、美3国,零部件贸易网络核心则由美、日变为中、德;亚洲汽车零部件贸易网络以中国为核心迅速发展,欧洲汽车零部件贸易网络重心向东欧和南欧转移明显;③ 发动机系统组件贸易向以德国为首的欧洲国家集中,电子电器组件贸易向以中国为中心的东亚地区集中,附加值低的轮胎和内胎组件贸易向中国、印度、巴西等新兴市场分散。

Under the background of globalization and regionalization, the world’s trade pattern has altered distinctly. Defining trade globalization as the size and complexity of trade network, and regionalization as specific types of linkages betweencountries in the same region, this article analyzes complete auto’s and auto parts’ trade patterns in 2003-2013, and examines whether they become globalized or regionalized using the social network approach. The centrality, E-I index and core-periphery model of the trade network are calculated, and the results are as follows: firstly, exports of auto parts concentrate in emerging markets of east Asia and eastern Europe with the globalization of automobile production, while the exports of complete auto don’t follow that trend. The trade networks of complete auto and auto parts both become denser, which means they turn more global; and the interregional ties of their trade network become stronger, implying more regionalized trade; however, the E-I index shows that globalization seems to be dominating the trade of complete auto and auto parts, while the regionalization process is relatively unconspicuous. Secondly, the trade networks of complete auto and auto parts are characterized by the core-periphery structure. During the research period, Germany, Japan and United States are always the core of complete auto trade network. Germany and Japan mainly play the role of exporters; in contrast, United States participates as importer. China, India, Thailand, South Africa and other emerging markets are in the periphery position. At the same time, the nucleus of auto parts trade network changed from United States and Japan into China and Germany. Auto parts’ trade grows rapidly among Asian countries, and China becomes the core exporter. In Europe, the gravity of auto parts trade network moves from west to east. Thirdly, high technology-intensive parts of cars are less global than resource-intensive parts. East Asia becomes the center of electrical and electric components trade as global electronic industry transfers to east Asia. China replaces United States as the organizer of electrical and electric components trade network. As for the pivotal components of auto mobile, engine-parts are traded among fewer countries than other parts. The core of engine-parts’ trade network used to include United States, Japan and Germany in 2003; Unites States fades out while Germany enhances its control. During the same period, the position of central and east European countries raise in European regional engine-parts’ trade network. In addition, the trade network of tires and tubes which have the lowest added valueis organized in a more globalized way, dispersing to China, India, Brazil and other emerging countries. China displaces the core position of Japan in the regional trade network of Asia.

以全球生产网络理论为基础,通过问卷调查和深度访谈法,再现了上海创意产业集群在地方—区域—全球三个不同地理维度的产业链接网络结构和联系强度,运用三角坐标法分别考察上海创意产业在劳动力市场、外部供给、消费市场、合作关系四个产业链环节的地方嵌入性和全球链接性,探讨学习和创新网络的重要作用。研究结果显示：首先,上海创意产业集群在各个产业链环节都表现出很强的地方黏性,尤其是在地方劳动力市场方面,上海创意产业集群的地方嵌入性最为显著。其次,上海创意产业集群的外部链接存在异质性,其中技术类创意部门与文化类创意部门在劳动力市场、消费市场和合作关系等方面均表现出较大差异,本文从知识分化视角出发对以上异质性进行了解释。最后,总结了上海创意产业集群全球生产网络的基本特征及其地方—全球互动关系,为揭示中国大都市地区文化创意产业集群的地方嵌入和全球网络形成机理提供了详实的案例分析。

<p>The recent emergence of creative industries in Shanghai received much attention from policy and urban studies. Previous literature concentrated primarily on local cluster policy and the association with urban regeneration, while the embeddedness to what extent creative clusters in Shanghai are linked with different geographical levels of market has yet been fully understood. This paper aims to examine the structure of economic linkages of highly agglomerated creative clusters in Shanghai from the perspective of global production networks (GPNs) theory. By GPNs, both local and non-local forces are taken into account through an examination of the value-chains of production and consumption, namely labor market, external supply of intermediate inputs, customers, firms, and collaborators. Results show that the creative clusters in Shanghai are globally embedded into multi-scale markets. First, there is an evident tendency towards localization in every branch of linkages, especially in the labor market and external supply sides. Whereas, the international interactions are strongly observed in the consumption and collaboration sides, such as culture media and R&D industries. In addition, foreign collaboration in the operation of the creative economy in Shanghai is particularly significant because of their interdependent and complimentary relationship. This study also provides an important reference to reveal the mechanism of the formation of GPNs and local embeddedness of creative clusters in the metropolitan areas of China.</p>

网络中心性和网络权力是城市节点的两个重要网络结构特征,现有研究往往缺乏对二者联系和差别的足够重视。从拓扑结构角度,解析城市网络中心性和网络权力的基本内涵,基于度中心性、介数中心性分别表征城市网络中心性和网络权力存在的不足,引入递推中心性和递推权力的概念,利用2009年中国汽车零部件供需链接配套关系数据构建城市关联网络,讨论网络节点分布、链接关系等拓扑结构特征,识别各项中心性和权力指标的相互关系。研究表明：① 汽车零部件供需链接的城市网络具备低密度、多中心、“富人俱乐部”的特征;② 上海、长春、北京、重庆、十堰为最高等级的网络中心城市,分别锁定中国6大汽车产业带的对应地区;③ 长三角、京津地区、山东、广西、湖北三省及川渝地区为6大网络权力城市集中区,长三角地区网络权力最为突出;④ 递推中心性、递推权力在测度城市网络中心性和网络权力方面,具有更高的区分性和精准度;⑤ 城市网络存在由“高中心性—高权力”的核心城市到“低中心性—低权力”的裙带城市的一维分布特征,这与空间距离阻尼对城市链接有无的影响程度的衰减有关;同时也存在二者关系非匹配的“高中心性—低权力”的中心集束城市和“低中心性—高权力”的权力门户城市。

Centrality and power show important network structure characteristics of a major city. However, research on the city network often ignores the connection and the differences between these concepts. We explain the basic concepts underpinning both centrality and power. We introduce two concepts: recursive centrality and recursive power, to describe degree centrality and betweenness centrality as applied to a city's position and power in a network, respectively. We form a complete set of relational data based on a matching relationship between Chinese auto parts supply and demand in 2009. Finally we review China's urban network topology characteristics, such as node distribution and link relationships, and identify the relationship between the center and the power index. Empirical studies show that (1) the Chinese city network (based on auto parts supply and demand) is of low density, polycentric, and is characterized by the "rich club". (2) Shanghai, Changchun, Beijing, Chongqing and Shiyan show the highest level of centrality in their city networks within the six major auto industry regions (northeast China, Beijing-Tianjin, central China, Sichuan-Chongqing, and the Yangtze River Delta). (3) There are six major network power city clusters in China: the Yangtze River Delta, Beijing-Tianjin, Shandong Province, Guangxi autonomous region, Hubei Province, and Sichuan-Chongqing. Among them, the Yangtze River Delta is the most powerful one. (4) With regards to measuring centrality and power in a network, recursive centrality and recursive power are both discernible and accurate. (5) City network distribution features can be classified as either core cities, with high centrality and high power, or peripheral cities, with low centrality and low power. The damping effect of distance influences the degree of connection within a city. Other relationships exist, such as center city clusters, with high center and low power, and powerful gateway cities, with low centrality and high power.

We investigate the micro-connectivity drivers of network change in an underperforming industrial cluster in Argentina. Our analysis is based on data collected in two consecutive surveys, conducted in 2005 and 2012, of entrepreneurs in the electronics cluster in Crdoba. We find that social and institutional factors influence micro-connectivity choices at the local level, while firms that are more open to non-local knowledge have the tendency to behave like external stars, potentially limiting the flow of non-locally generated knowledge into the cluster network as it grows. We interpret these results using the intuitions from strain theory and suggest that strain may engender an everyone for themselves mentality in the most open cluster firms as they seek to escape from a condition of underperformance. We posit, also, that local social and institutional ties are relevant for most cluster firms to survive, but are not sufficient for the cluster to thrive.

本文利用2001-2009 年《中国工业企业数据库》中汽车制造业企业有关数据,对近10 年来中国汽车制造业的空间布局进行描述,利用地理集中度指数和EG指数对产业集聚水平进行测算和分析后,发现中国汽车制造业的空间集聚水平呈现不断下降的趋势,零部件及配件制造业的集聚水平对汽车制造业具有决定性和先导性影响。针对零部件及配件制造业的特点,构建了基于地级以上城市为空间单元的新建企业区位选择模型,进行估计后发现：① 中国不存在类似欧美日等国家整车和零部件企业邻近的空间集中集聚现象；② 零部件制造业的劳动密集型特点显著,不利于产业生产率和专业化水平提高；③ 在不考虑集聚经济的条件下,市场规模和地方保护对新建企业的区位选择影响非常显著。在这些原因的共同作用下,使得中国汽车制造业的专业化水平和空间集聚程度越来越低。

Using the Chinese industrial enterprises database over the period 2001-2009, we analyze the spatial distribution of China's automobile manufacturing industry, by calculating the geographic concentration ratio and the EG index. We find the agglomeration level of China's automobile manufacturing industry has been falling over the period, and the motor vehicle parts manufacturing industry plays an essential role. To analyze the location choice of motor vehicle parts manufacturing start-ups, we build up the conditional logit model using the prefecture level data. The results indicate that: (1) unlike the U.S. and the European countries, the distributions of China's motor vehicle manufacturing firms and motor vehicle parts manufacturing firms are not spatially adjacent, (2) the motor vehicle parts manufacturing startups are labor intensive, which makes the industry's productivity and specialization inefficient, (3) not considering agglomeration economies, the market size and the local protectionism are positive and significant factors that influence the start-ups location choice. Due to all these factors, the specialization and the agglomeration level of China's automobile manufacturing industry is becoming lower.

“嵌入”是理解转移企业与承接地集群以及全球/跨区生产网络互动耦合过程和机理的有效理论工具。自“嵌入”概念引入经济地理学以来,学界对转移企业地方嵌入意愿存在“被动”与“主动”的论争,对嵌入效应也存在积极与负面两种不同观点。通过对转移企业地方嵌入主要动因、影响因素、演进过程、区域效应等研究的系统梳理,发现不论基于“主动”还是“被动”意愿,转移企业地方嵌入都是其在“企业—地域”关系演化中维护并强化自身竞争力的地理敏感战略;嵌入过程受承接地条件、转移企业特质的双重影响;嵌入沿着“关系培育—价值链衔接—全球与地方生产网络战略耦合”的路径,逐步实现关系性嵌入和结构性嵌入;转移企业地方嵌入为承接地集群转型升级提供了“区位机会窗口”。转移企业地方嵌入研究今后需在四个方面加强和深化：一是构建一个以“关系—网络—演化”为主线的综合性分析框架;二是加强转移企业网络角色与绩效的定量研究;三是加强转移企业经济嵌入、技术嵌入、社会嵌入的相互影响研究;四是加强转移企业与承接地集群“双向嵌入”研究。

：The concept of "embeddedness" is useful for understanding the process and mechanism of interactive coupling of transferred enterprises, the industrial clusters of receiving places, and the global or trans-regional production network. Since the introduction of the concept of "embeddedness" in economic geography, there exist a debate of "active" and "passive" local embedded intentions of transferred enterprises in the academic circles, as well as two different views of positive effect and negative effect of local embedding of transferred enterprises. By systematically examining studies on the main motivations, influencing factors, evolution processes, regional effects, and so on of the local embeddedness of transferred enterprises, this research finds that, regardless of the willingness of enterprises, the local embeddedness of transferred enterprises is a geographic sensitive strategy to protect and strengthen their competitiveness in the evolution of firm-territory nexus. The embedding process is affected by the condition of the undertaking places and the quality of the transferred enterprises. The embedding process follows the path of "foster relationship-value chain cohesion-build global-local production network," and gradually achieves relational embedding and structural embedding. The local embeddedness of transferred enterprises provides a "window of locational opportunity" for the transformation and upgrading of the enterprises and industrial clusters of the undertaking places. Finally, this article puts forward four research directions that need to be deepened and strengthened: (1) building a comprehensive research framework that uses "relation-network-evolution" as the main line; (2) strengthening quantitative research of the network role and performance of transferred enterprises; (3) enhancing the research of the interaction of the economic, technological, and social embeddedness of the transferred enterprises; and (4) promoting the research of the "two-way embeddedness" of transferred enterprises and the industrial clusters of the undertaking places.

在以模块化为代表的第三次汽车工业生产方式变革背景下,新生产方式如何影响汽车工业空间组织演化,如何基于经济地理学阐释其发生机制及剖析对特定产业集群的影响作用,成为亟需解决的理论和现实问题。本文以一汽-大众为例,基于整车制造的本土全覆盖一级供应链映射产业集群组织,探讨地方&#x02014;区域尺度下模块化生产对于汽车产业集群空间组织的影响。结果显示：① 地方式微：本地集聚程度下降。模块化生产所带来的规模经济在一定程度上克服运输成本,导致大型整车集团产业转移后对东道地生产依赖的下降和零部件供应商空间集聚的降低;② 超越地方：生产网络跨区重构。模块化生产将重组区域生产网络的组织结构,反映出尺度生产和尺度重组过程对空间经济动态的重要性。长三角地区凭借制造业区域优势和完整汽车零部件产业链,以产业集群作为行动主体参与到一汽-大众全国4个城市整车厂生产网络的分工协作中,产生了&#x0201c;超越地方&#x0201d;的竞争优势;③ 规模经济效应、知识技术共享和企业组织强化共同驱动模块化生产下汽车产业集群的空间组织重构。研究有助于理解生产方式调整与制造业产业集群空间组织结构演化的互动机制,同时为以经济、制度、社会和创新为视角的产业地理研究提供有益补充。

Under the background of the third revolution of production mode in the automobile industry, as represented by modularization, there arise a series of urgent theoretical and practical problems: how the new production mode affects the evolution of the spatial organization of the automobile industry, how to explain its mechanism based on economic geography, and how to analyze its effects on specific industrial clusters. Taking FAW-Volkswagen as an example, based on the local full-coverage first-level supply chain mapping industry cluster organization of vehicle manufacturing, this paper explores the effects of modular production on the spatial organization of automobile industry clusters at the local-regional scale. Results indicate that: (1) The degree of local agglomeration decreases with the decline of local economy. To a certain extent, the scale economy created by modular production overcomes transportation cost, leading to both the weakened production dependence of large-scale vehicle groups on the host area after industrial transfer and the reduced spatial agglomeration of parts suppliers. (2) Beyond locality: the production network between regions is reconstructed. Under modular production, regional production networks will be reorganized, which reflects the importance of scale production and scale reorganization for spatial economic dynamics. When the Yangtze River Delta region, with its regional advantages in the manufacturing industry and its complete auto parts industry chain, takes part in the division and cooperation of the production network of FAW-Volkswagen automobile factories in four cities across the country in the form of industry clusters, "beyond locality" competitive advantages are created. (3) Scale economic effect, knowledge technology sharing, and enterprise organization strengthening jointly drive the spatial reconstruction of China's automobile industry clusters under modular production. This study provides insight to understand the interactive mechanism between the adjustment of production mode and the evolution of the spatial organization structure of manufacturing industry clusters, offering beneficial complements to studies on industrial geography from the perspectives of economy, system, society, and innovation.

随着网络分析方法的发展,利用社团检测和社交网络分析研究世界贸易网络成为当前重要的前沿问题。但目前国内外的研究多为短期尺度,中长期尺度研究亟需更新。当前世界经济发展不确定性要素增多,“一带一路”建设正进入深耕细作的阶段,分析20世纪80年代以来国际政治经济局势的转变以及发达国家与发展中国家的地位更替的长尺度变化,有利于揭示世界贸易网络的中长期演变趋势,并为中国“一带一路”建设提供历史启示。论文主要基于国际货币基金组织(IMF)的贸易方向统计数据库(DOTS),首先总结了1980—2018年世界贸易发展3大历史阶段的基本特征,然后研究了20世纪80年代以来的世界贸易网络中组团及国家地位的演变。研究发现：① 世界政治经济格局变化和技术进步对世界贸易网络影响深远。20世纪80年代以来资本主义的生产方式由福特制向后福特制的转变、新自由主义的推广、数字技术的大规模发展以及发展中国家的崛起对全球贸易空间格局产生了深远的影响,中国的崛起是全球贸易网络变化重要的力量。② 从Top1贸易网络上看,世界贸易格局呈现出“稳中有变”的演化趋势。世界贸易网络中,欧洲部分的德国、法国和俄罗斯组团相对稳定,而英国和意大利组团地位不断下降;美国主导了亚太部分,澳大利亚组团较为稳定,日本组团地位下降。③ 印度、巴西和南非等发展中国家的崛起,导致世界经济和贸易格局的重大变化,这些国家近年来成为了新兴的区域性贸易中心。④ 随着经济高速发展,中国在世界贸易中的地位迅速上升,成为了超过美国的世界贸易组团核心。最后,简要讨论了中长期尺度贸易网络研究对“一带一路”建设的历史启示。

With the development of the network analysis methods, studying global trade network by community detection and social network analysis (SNA) has become the frontiers in trade-related fields. However, most of the present research was of short temporal scale. Long-term studies are needed particularly given the growing uncertainties in today's world economy. Under the implementation of the Belt and Road initiative, analyzing the dynamics of the world politics and economy after the 1980s as well as the long-term shifts of the role of countries are of great significance for revealing the evolution of global trade network and thus contributing to the improvement of the initiative. Based on the Direction of Trade Statistics (DOTS) database by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), this article summarized three main stages in the global trade history after 1980 and illustrated and analyzed the change of the global trade network. The study found that: 1) The changes of world politics and economy and the improvement of technologies greatly influenced the global trade. The transformation from Fordism to Post-Fordism, the extension of neoliberalism, the development of digital technology, and the rise of developing countries represented by China have profoundly reshaped global trade. 2) The Top 1 network indicates that the change of global trade is relatively stable despite some shifts. In the European part of the global trade network, German bloc, French bloc, and Russian bloc are somewhat steady, while the United Kingdom bloc and Italian bloc have declined. In the Asia-Pacific part, the United States always played the leading role, the Australian bloc remained unchanged, but the Japanese bloc experienced a recession. 3) The rise of developing countries, such as India, Brazil, and South Africa, led to the great transformation of the world economy and trade network. These countries have recently become the regional trading centers. 4) With a high-speed development of the economy, China saw a dramatic rise in global trade and has become the center of the largest global trade bloc, exceeding the United States. Finally, this article briefly discussed the importance of long-term trade network research for the Belt and Road initiative.