唐雪琼
, 钱俊希
TANG Xueqiong, QIAN Junxi
版权声明: 2017 地理科学进展 《地理科学进展》杂志 版权所有
基金资助:
作者简介:
作者简介：唐雪琼(1969-),女,云南弥勒人,教授,博导,主要从事社会文化地理、民族文化研究,E-mail: 396464545@qq.com。
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摘要
边界是分割不同政治实体的界线,但国家对于边界的管治往往是有弹性的,因而孕育了丰富的“流动”,成为经济融合、社会交流与文化对话的重要场域。跨境民族是受其影响的典型群体,他们在原本生活区域被分隔的情况下,从未间断过跨境流动。总体来看,跨境流动过程中的文化认同及其形成机制是多元复杂的。本文以云南省河口县中越边境地区的苗族花山节为研究切入点,通过质性研究方法探讨节庆所折射的民族文化认同与国家认同的建构过程。研究发现：跨界的流动性加强了民族文化的交流与认同,共同促成了花山节的文化传承,维系了跨境民族的亲缘关系。这样的跨界流动亦强化了边界所形成的发展轨迹差异的感知,从而增强了中国籍苗族边民的国家认同与国家自豪感。
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Abstract
Border is a political institution that not only separates political entities as nation-states with territorially based sovereignty, but also creates potentials for encounter, contact, and exchange. This point of view is particularly relevant to ethnic groups that lead cross-border living, whose lifeworlds are crosscut by de jure borders that impose belonging to nation-states and territorially based citizenship. Yet, the control of borders exercised by sovereign states is never complete or absolute. In contrast, cross-border ethnic groups are usually able to devise myriad tactics and strategies to facilitate border crossing. To interpret the geopolitical implications of such border crossing practices is thus an important academic enterprise for scholars interested in analyzing borderscapes from mundane and bottom-up perspectives. So far, the extant scholarship has pointed to two major lines of arguments that concern the relationship between border crossing and ethnic identity/sense of national belonging. On the one hand, bottom-up and spontaneous mobilities that transcend the confinement of borders are often read as resistance, or at least transgression, to the geopolitical order defined by legal borders. On the other hand, however, it has been warned that an exclusive emphasis on resistance and transgression runs the risk of idealizing cross-border mobilities, while the latter may re-inscribe and consolidate, rather than destabilize identification to nation-states, especially when the radical differences in social, economic, and political niches give rise to heightened perceptions of partition and thus "non-belonging" to a presumed ethnic identity. In this vein, this article proposes the hypothesis that the possibility of cross-border mobility re-inscribing borders and consolidating sense of belonging to nation-state cannot be ruled out. This article uses a case study of cross-border attendance of Huashan Festival at the Sino-Vietnamese borderland. Overall, the empirical findings suggest that the maintenance of cross-border ethnic ties and identity and the assertion of national belonging to China are two processes that are largely co-existence, even mutually reinforcing. The ways in which Huashan celebrations are organized at the two sides of the border are now radically different. While Huashan in Vietnam adheres more loyally to traditional practices, norms, and taboos, the one at the Chinese side has incorporated staged performances to boost local tourism and refashioned ethnic cultural activities to make them in tune with standards and tastes of "modern", “urban” popular cultures. Consequently, Chinese Miao tend to consolidate a sense of belonging to China due to a sense of being “modernized” and culturally superior.
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国与国之间的边界(border)是人文地理学研究中的重要概念之一。主流的边界理论通常将其看作通过一定的法律框架确定,分割不同的政治实体的界线。但亦有研究认为边界不是封闭的,而是经济融合、社会交流,以及文化对话的场域(Alvarez Jr, 1995; Ernste et al, 2009; Berndt, 2011)。在经济地理学领域,大量的研究已经关注到跨越边界的经济合作与要素整合(Grundy-Warr et al, 1999; Shen, 2004; Prokkola, 2011)。然而,当边界及跨境行为与文化认同相联系时,学者更多强调的则是边界的“封闭性”,即边界对两侧的社会群体所起到的分割与隔离的作用(唐雪琼等, 2014)。边界区隔不同群体的文化身份,以服务于现代民族—国家(nation-state)的形成。由于民族—国家通常被建构为一个“想象的共同体”(Anderson, 1983),并被赋予了一个统一、均质的文化认同,因此国家边界内的所有公民均被归纳入一个统一、封闭的认同框架之中。在这一过程之中,国家需通过边界的划分和管治,化解生活在边界地区的国民的文化身份中内在的“不纯净”与“不稳定”(Paasi, 2002; Van Houtum et al, 2002)。
当然,国家对于边界的管治是留有余地的。在国家边界被正式制度化之前,边界地区往往存在极为丰富的社会交往与文化融合。基于交流与融合的历史经验与文化意义,成为现时社会群体的文化动机与文化资源,促使跨界流动行为的产生。因此,边界地区的社会群体往往能通过自下而上的社会文化实践,与边界的另一侧形成丰富的社会联系与文化交流(Casey, 2011)。
在这一语境下,英美学者通常将这类跨界流动视作对于民族—国家政治秩序的抵抗,跨界流动的结果是边民的文化认同更加趋于“流动”(fluid)和不稳定,致使国家权力施加的国家认同受到削弱(Anzaldúa, 2007)。跨境民族即为典型的案例。由于跨越边界而居,其民族认同难以被国家边界完全限定。在现有的研究中,民族认同往往被认为是自然、有机的,而国家认同则是人为建构的(Anderson, 1983),因此自下而上的跨境活动自然是对自上而下所施加的国家认同的抗拒与削弱。对跨境流动能否增强跨境民族的国家认同则较少关注。事实上,民族认同并非同质与一成不变的,而是异质及动态变化的(Hall et al, 1996)。边界的一项重要功能是将边界两侧分别纳入到不同的政治、经济、社会与制度框架中,边界两侧的生存体验必然存在一定的梯度差异,因而一个统一均质的民族身份实际上是很难存在,或至少是不稳定的。一种可能的情况是：跨界流动促使边民对边界两侧进行对比,而对差异的感知可能使得边民增强,而非减弱对边界特定一侧的认同与归属。
跨境民族在中国的东北、西北以及西南边境地区均有分布。较典型的包括朝鲜族、苗族、傣族、壮族、哈萨克族等诸多少数民族。其中,中国云南省与越南、老挝、缅甸三国接壤,国境线长4060 km,国境线两侧分别居住着壮族、傣族、苗族、瑶族、哈尼族、景颇族等16个跨境民族。跨境民族的地缘分布形成较早,而与越南、老挝、缅甸的国界划定则是20世纪以来才完成的。因此,先有民族后有国界,被国界分隔的各少数民族有着共同的历史渊源、共同的习俗文化,以及共同的族群历史记忆,民族间的社会文化交往从未间断。一方面,跨境民族长期维持着边界互市、跨境通婚、跨境探亲、跨境参与节日或仪式等跨境流动实践,且近年来愈发频繁。边民通过跨境流动,不仅维系族群身份,保存共有的习俗、记忆及传统,亦能够通过产品交换与通婚获取实际的物质利益。从这一意义上来说,跨境实践对边民意义重大,且协商并重构了法定的国家边界所限定的空间秩序与文化认同(何跃, 2010; 谷家荣, 2013)。另一方面,如前文所言,跨境流动过程中的认同的形成机制是多元的,而非同质与单向的。解读跨境实践、民族认同、国家认同这3个核心概念之间的复杂关系,是本文关注的重点。
云南省红河哈尼族彝族自治州河口县桥头乡老街子、老卡两个村委会与越南老街省孟康县花龙乡山水相连,是中越边境苗族集中分布区之一。越南称苗族为赫蒙族,其语言和风俗习惯与中国苗族基本相同,系跨境而居的同一民族。花山节是中国—越南边界两侧的苗族共同的最隆重的节日,引发着频繁的跨境流动,国界一侧的苗族前往另一侧与本民族同胞进行庆祝活动,是中越边界日常生活常见的文化活动。近年来中越两国的地方政府均介入花山节活动的组织工作,边界两侧的花山节的规模、场地、活动内容也由此产生了巨大的差异,彰显出国家的经济发展、现代化水平的差异,由此影响到边民的民族认同与国家认同。本文以跨境而居的苗族花山节活动作为研究的切入点,以中国云南省河口县桥头乡老街子和老卡花山节与越南老街省花龙乡花山节为案例(图1),通过实地调查,分析跨境的花山节的文化变迁,探讨节庆所折射的文化认同与国家认同的建构过程。
总体上,跨境的文化流动虽然维系了跨境的民族认同与亲缘关系,但并没有削弱国家认同,反而增强了中国籍苗族边民的国家认同与国家自豪感。究其原因,主要是由于中国一侧的花山节具有技术更为先进、演出质量与文化品位更高、内容更加丰富的特征。中国籍苗族边民通常将上述感知与中国更为“现代化”、“发展水平更高”的话语联系起来,建构出对于越南籍同胞的社会与文化优越感,从而增强对“中国人”这一身份的归属感。换言之,民族认同的维系与国家认同的增强是并行不悖,而非相互对立,这也是本文对英美文献和理论进行修正的一个重要依据。
对于边境地区的居民来说,边界的存在对他们的日常生活、社会网络与文化认同均有着极为深刻的影响。边界的文化意义不是固定、一成不变的(Balibar, 2002),不同群体亦通过基于边界的日常活动获取身份认同,并建构“我者”与“他者”之间的文化区隔(Newman, 2006)。Anderson(1996)指出,边界研究应当关注边界的四重内涵：即①边界是民族—国家进行地缘政治治理的工具;②边界的封闭性不是绝对的;③边界是身份认同的重要载体;④边界是一系列感知与话语的集合。
学术界曾短暂流行过一个“无边界”的大同世界的论调(Yeung, 1998)。但学者很快发现,边界依然是国家的一个重要管治工具,并以此界定地缘政治秩序,明确“我者”与“他者”的身份差异(Scuzzarello et al, 2013)。不过,边境地区的交流、融合、杂交亦永恒存在(Ravisco, 2010)。有关跨境流动与身份认同的关系,学界目前有两种主要的观点：第一种观点认为跨境流动是对自上而下设定的民族—国家秩序的抗拒。国家划定的正式边界确实在很多情况下将完整的文化社区强行划分到不同的政治实体。因此,跨境流动常常是对国家权力的一种调适与响应(Fondahl et al, 2003)。Dell'Agnese(2015)有关美国—墨西哥边界地区流行音乐的研究指出,边界群体的音乐创造通常表达出对于边界合理性的质疑,以及对于国家边界管治的不满。另有研究则更为激进地指出,封闭、同质的民族—国家秩序体现了现代欧洲的意识形态,而在其他区域情境下并非是顺理成章的。原住民对边界的理解,往往更加强调开放、流动与交流,而非封闭与区隔(Lloyd et al, 2010)。Jones(2012)对印度—孟加拉国边界频繁的无证越境行为进行了研究,指出边民一方面尊重边界线的存在,同时通过跨境流动来满足日常的生活诉求,这种跨境流动并不会对国家与边民之间不对等的权力关系造成重大影响,但仍然可以看作是对边界的“叛逆”(defiance)或“越轨”(transgression) (Lamb, 2014)。
与之相反,少数文献倾向于第二种观点,认为跨境行为与认同之间的关系是复杂和多元的。Newman(2006)提出,边界所划定的国家身份、国族认同具有强大的意识形态的力量,亦深刻地影响了群体有关“自我”的定义。尤其是当边界两侧的社会经济环境差异巨大时,跨界的交流可能强化边界所划定的身份与归属。Lamb(2014)有关泰国—缅甸边界的研究便指出,边民对边界的理解与中央政府未必有显著区别,边民亦可能基于边界将另一侧的群体塑造为“他者”。而Doevenspeck(2011)有关刚果民主共和国—卢旺达边界的研究则表明,频繁的跨境流动确实可能增强认同的弹性,但并不能完全消解国家边界所界定的“我者”与“他者”的差异。Lamb与Doevenspeck虽没有以跨境民族作为直接研究对象,但提供了一个理论线索,即边境地区的居民对于边界的认知可能是多样甚至矛盾的。
有关中国边境的跨境民族研究,也已关注到身份认同是跨境空间实践研究中的一个重要话题。与边境研究的整体情况类似,这些研究中的大部分认为边界对跨境民族的日常生活平添了制度阻隔,但边民可通过一系列的对策或策略来超越边界的限制(Turner, 2013)。在这一过程之中,民族认同强于民族—国家秩序所界定的国家认同。例如,有关中国云南西双版纳的傣泐人(傣族的一支)的跨境流动的研究指出,傣泐人倾向于将自我塑造为“弹性的主体”(flexible subjects),在与老挝的傣族人进行跨境互动的过程中,他们高度强调两侧共享的“傣族”身份,而弱化其“中国公民”的身份(Diana, 2013)。同民族的相互理解和信任等非经济要素条件, 为跨境经济活动的顺利开展打下了坚实的基础(马翀炜等, 2011)。
Sturgen(2013)的研究则揭示了一个更为复杂的图景。一方面,中国—老挝边界中国一侧的哈尼族与傣族利用边界两侧共有的民族身份跨境前往老挝进行香蕉种植;另一方面,他们高度强调(而非弱化)自身的“中国人”身份。其原因是中国更发达的经济使得“中国人”的身份被赋予了文明、现代与高素质的意涵,为中国籍边民在跨境经济活动中的主导地位提供了文化上的合法性依据。
总之,由于边界两侧客观存在的社会、经济与制度差异,边民在认同与身份的选择上具有相当的自主性和弹性,跨境民族的文化认同是动态和不稳定的。民族认同和国家认同通过社会—空间的实践被不断的重构和再生产(Bhabha, 1994)。跨境民族一方面适应和协商既有的地缘政治秩序和国家权力,另一方面又在不断接触、交流与碰撞中,实现日常生活的诉求,重新理解和重新定义自身的文化认同。
花山节以庆典为载体,推动苗族文化的传承、传播与发展,千百年来被广大苗族同胞所认可,成为苗族的标志性文化,也是苗族文化认同的一个重要符号。节日的具体时间各地不一,云南南部的苗族在每年农历正月初三至初八间庆祝花山节。花山节活动分为立杆、祭杆、闹杆、倒杆4个阶段,最隆重的是祭杆和闹杆。每年腊月十六立花杆,次年正月初三或初四早晨祭花杆仪式标志花山节开始,闹杆的内容传统上以爬花杆、跳芦笙舞、对歌为主。近年来,花山节增加了开幕式、文艺表演、拔河比赛、斗鸡、斗鸟、打陀螺、乃至选美比赛、商贸活动等内容,3天后逢双日倒杆即标志着花山节闭幕。
研究案例地河口瑶族自治县桥头苗族壮族自治乡的东南部与越南老街省孟康县接壤,国境线长81 km。这里的苗族自古有过花山节的传统,由民间自发组织,规模不大。随着“富民兴边”、“固边睦邻”、“文化强国”等国家项目的推动,政府致力于展示桥头乡的现代化进程和丰富的传统民族民间文化,推动旅游业和区域经济发展。2005年以后,乡政府介入花山节组织活动,民办官助,政府确定花山节活动以突出“团结、开放、展示苗族传统文化”为主题,制定花山节活动方案,筹集活动经费,由老卡、老街子村委会轮流承办花山节活动,每个村委会承办3年,随后再轮换。
越南赫蒙族的主体在距今100~140年间由云南迁往越南,现今人口100余万人(石茂明, 2004),主要分布于越南北部,在与中国接壤的边境地区分布较广,且传承着花山节的习俗。过去,踩花山一般为村寨间轮流举办,每3年换一个地方,花山场分散于苗族村落间。2000年以后,与桥头乡接壤的越南老街省孟康县政府将花山场固定在花龙乡,由此花龙乡花山节成为越南北部影响最大的节庆活动之一。
研究者分别于2013年10月26-11月9日、2014年2月2-6日(当年春节的大年初二至初六)、2015年10月9-15日3次到河口县桥头乡老卡和老街子村委会、中国老街子花山节和越南花龙乡花山节现场进行田野调查,调查时间合计27天,调查方法为参与式观察和深度访谈。研究者对中国和越南花山节的仪式、程序、内容与物质表达进行了参与式观察和详细记录。访谈对象共39人,其中中国苗族32人,越南苗族7人。在受访者的职业构成方面,双方乡政府和村委会参与花山节的干部12人、中国苗族学者3人、双方苗族群众24人。在性别方面,男性23人,女性16人。由于老卡口岸非边民不能出入境,到越南花龙调研较为不便,因此本文主要访谈对象为中国人,重点调查中国的苗族边民在跨境的花山节流动中产生的差异性体验,以及花山节如何既能维系苗族的民族认同,又同时强化“中国人”的国家认同。
中越边民花山节往来交流有历史渊源。19世纪末之前,以中国为核心的中央帝国的朝贡体系塑造了东亚与东南亚的地缘政治秩序。这一地缘秩序与现代社会的民族—国家秩序截然不同,清王朝为越南的宗主国,两国之间边界划分因此不甚明确,边民的生存体验受到边界的影响不深。中法战争后,中国将越南宗主国地位转移给法国。1887年,清王朝和法国殖民当局签订双边条约,勘定了中越陆地边界线(引自齐鹏飞, 2013),法定的国家边界逐步形成,边界两侧的边民也逐渐有了模糊的国民意识。由于山水相连的自然环境、同宗同源的民族情感,加上20世纪50、60年代中越“同志加兄弟”的密切关系,边界管制并不严格,中越边民跨境流动十分频繁。花山节作为维系民族感情的重要节日,引发的跨境流动具有规模大、时间集中的特点,使得花山节成为了“展演”(perform)民族认同的重要场域。边民们穿行于边境上的便道,歇住在亲朋家里,在花山场自娱自乐、国家边界所界定的地缘政治秩序被临时地逾越和淡化。
“那时,越南过来踩花山的人比现在多很多,都穿的苗族衣服,从穿着看不出来是哪个国家的人,不过亲戚多、朋友多,知道他们是越南人。”(熊某某,男,60岁,中国人,访谈时间：2013.10.30)
“我们(中国)的花山节比他们(越南)早一天,那时候嘛,初三就叫亲戚过来耍(玩),初四去那边耍(玩)””。(罗某某,女,71岁,中国人,访谈时间：2013.11.5)
20世纪70年代末,中越爆发边境战争。这前后的十几年间,中越双边关系恶化,民族—国家之间的地缘政治冲突最直接的体现在边界管制的增强。加上边民负有支持前线部队的义务,边界另一侧的同族人被赋予了强烈的“外敌”意涵,因此民族认同不可避免地受到了边界所划定的地缘秩序与文化秩序的冲击。边民不得不停止正常的边贸往来和文化互动,花山节的跨界庆祝也一并停滞。
随着中越关系正常化,边境地区跨境的日常活动与民间文化交流的传统迅速恢复。2000年以后,越南花龙乡和中国桥头乡政府分别介入花山节活动,活动内容更加丰富,规模日益扩大,又由于道路条件和交通工具的改善,花山节引发的跨境流动愈发增强。这一现象在访谈之中也得到了证实：
“去越南玩的人多呢,去前年来老卡踩花山,地方太小呆不下,好多人都去越南了,几百人上千人,还多”。(熊某某,男,40岁,中国人,访谈时间：2014.2.3)
花山节跨境流动的规模没有准确的统计数据,边民们根据居住的村寨与花山场的位置,选择从老卡口岸或边境便道出入。当地人估计每年中国边民参加越南花山节的有几百人,从越南前来桥头乡参加庆祝活动的可能有二、三百人至五、六百人。
2013年开始,花山节互访上升到政府层面,桥头乡政府和花龙乡政府互相邀请,由政府领导、工作人员、文艺表演队组成代表团,分别于花山节第一天互访交流。以研究者深入观察的2014年花山节为例,大年初三中国花山节第一天上午8时30分,桥头乡党政领导在老卡边防检查站迎接越南花山节代表团,到花山场参加花山节开幕式、观看民族歌舞表演和各项民间活动,目的是重温有关民族文化与传统的集体记忆。下午,中方送客至老卡边防检查站。大年初四越南花山节第一天,越南花龙乡领导到老卡边防检查站迎接中国花山节代表团,活动时间和具体安排一致。
中越两国的花山节浓缩了一个群体共有的传统,隐含着集体的记忆,在时间、场地、祭祀仪式、活动内容等方面共有一整套的仪式和规范,在苗族文化的传承、发展与认同中发挥着重要作用。然而,21世纪以来,中国社会经济的迅猛发展,文化全球化、现代性的影响从经济发达地区延及边境区域,渗透至花山节活动的各个环节。中国桥头乡老卡、老街子花山节和越南花龙花山节在仪式、场地、活动内容等方面都显现出较多的不同,边界两侧的苗族群众在频繁的跨界流动中感受到了民族—国家的边界在塑造差异方面的作用。
花山蕴含山丘或平缓的山坡之意,限定着花山场地的选择。越南花龙的花山场地,位于距乡政府驻地1 km外的起伏平缓的山丘群,平整出100多km2的地块作为祭祀和表演场地,主花杆插于表演场正中,主花杆后60 m处插有稍细的副花杆,两侧设置塑料座椅20余个,四周的山包为天然看台。山丘间的低缓处搭建了近百处临时帐篷,为商贸区,经营烧烤、煮食、零食、小百货等。场地随山就势,自然有序。
农历腊月十六或二十六立花杆,正月初四祭杆,正月初六倒杆,上香、敬酒、念祈词、杀鸡等活动传承着神圣的宗教意义。祭杆仪式后,身背小孩的苗族群众自发参加的绕杆活动,表达着苗族村民对花杆的崇敬、对神灵的感激,回应花山节来源中的“求子”之说。
闹杆是花山节的重要活动,连续3天,包括开幕式、歌舞表演、对歌、倒爬花杆、斗鸡、斗鸟、打磨秋、三节棍、跳钱、练棍等项目,歌舞活动分为开幕式专场表演和民众自发表演。
对歌是花山节传承时间最长、参与人数最多的活动项目,对歌人及听歌者形成多处聚集人群,参与者年龄从20多岁至50多岁。对歌以情感交流为主,同时担负传统的男女恋爱和社会交往的功能。虽有固定的传统曲调,但没有固定的歌词,词随情生,表达对歌人平时的生产生活感悟和民族文化的知识积累。花山节也是苗族芦笙手们展示传统技艺的舞台。演出分为单人表演或双人表演,呈现民族熟悉的文化意义与符号。
越南花龙的花山节原真地继承了上述的传统节庆内容。开幕式及专场表演是越南一侧的花山节仅有的新创活动,但仅仅借鉴了现代庆典文化的组织方式,其间展示的仍是越南苗族原生态的歌舞,以苗歌独唱、芦笙舞为主,符合现代都市文化品位的表演十分稀缺。相反,中国代表团表演的3个舞蹈节目起到了渲染当代流行文化气氛的作用。总体而言,花龙的花山节强调传统以及“原真性”,通过历经久远的祭祀仪式、对歌、芦笙舞表达着当地苗族人民的集体记忆,表达娱神祈福、代际绵延的愿望,核心目的是达到一种群体欢愉的状态(郑宇等, 2013)。
老街子花山节的立花杆、祭杆、倒杆仪式沿袭传统的上香、敬酒、念祈词、杀鸡祭祀等活动,传承了花山文化的仪式过程和宗教内涵。然而,其外在形式和物质表达都深受都市流行文化和现代性的影响。
首先,花山场地的选择和布置强调舞台化效果和实用功能,而花山文化中约定俗成的要求则并非首要考量的因素。以四面环山的山间平地为花山场,场地功能分区十分明确,设置表演区、观赏区、商贸区。表演区用混泥土浇灌0.8 m高、120 m2的舞台,配备先进的音响设备,悬挂底幕、横幅,上铺红色地毯。舞台后边缘立花杆2棵,斜拉的彩旗增加了节日的氛围,观赏区和商贸区满足观众的饮食和游乐需求。
其次,花山节的主办者热衷于现代化、舞台化的展演。原本神秘的祭杆和绕杆仪式以舞台化的真实性展示给本民族和外来游客。苗族头人口念祈词、杀鸡、燃点香纸,在有节奏的阵阵鼓声和亢亢的牛角声中祭祀天地和花杆,事毕后双手端着祭物,带领2名护卫,9男8女及桥头乡板登队、棍棒武术队、大刀队、芦笙队和苗学会的花伞队进行绕花杆仪式。开幕式歌舞表演成为闹杆活动的重要内容。表演内容形式多样,既有苗族现代舞蹈《走苗山》、苗歌汉语独唱,也有现代小品《人与猪》、快板《兴地睦边固边疆》、舞蹈《tik-tok》、《啦啦操》等,将现代都市流行文化融入传统文化。歌舞表演的风格虽然很多以苗族传统为内核,但同时强调对都市文化风格与文化倾向的借鉴,以彰显本地苗族对于现代性的诉求与认同。同时,表演的服装是为了舞台化展演特制,不仅设计更为考究,也融入了明显的都市时尚的元素。
值得注意的是,在桥头乡,传统花山节最重要的对歌、跳芦笙由核心转为边缘。究其原因,主要是随着都市流行文化的进入,本地年轻人对于苗族传统的兴趣逐渐减弱,有关传统文化的地方性传承有式微的趋势。年轻一代热衷于都市的流行音乐与舞台表演形式,对于对歌中沿用的苗族歌曲不甚熟悉,传统芦笙舞的舞步也逐渐失传。尽管本地政府每天发放50元对歌奖励,但也仅有三、四对中年男女在舞台后边缘对唱,跳芦笙舞的本地人也较少见。总体而言,尽管中越边界两侧的苗族社群重视民族认同的维系,边界的区隔作用对具体的社会文化实践和体验起到的分化作用亦显而易见。
跨越边界的相邻地域同一民族的花山节活动,延续着花山节固有的立杆、祭杆、闹杆、倒杆的习俗,为官方和本地文化精英所推崇的跨越边界的、统一的“苗族文化”。但由于边界的存在,看似均质、统一的民族文化实际上已经逐渐从内部开始分化。越南花龙花山节的场地选择,以山间平地为表演场,自然坡地为看台。沿袭传统的祭祀仪式,服装与道具都直接取自现实生活,历史传承的对歌、芦笙舞仍然是花山节的主导活动。但中国一侧的文化活动却并非拘泥于一个固定不变的“传统”。花山场地选择更看重功能性,祭杆仪式舞台化,强调展演过程,而弱化原有的宗教内涵。尤其是开幕式文艺表演,显著受到春节联欢晚会等都市流行文化的影响,成为中国一侧边民的文化现代性展演。
因此,花山节并非仅是维系共享的文化认同与集体记忆的场域。对于边界两侧的苗族人来说,前往边界另一侧就是一个体验“差异”的过程。尤其是在中国经济高速发展,而越南经济发展相对滞后的宏观背景之下,由民族—国家的中心向边缘扩散的发展与现代化过程使得边界两侧的区域虽然唇齿相依,却呈现出截然不同的生存体验。在受访的苗族人的话语中,中国一侧更多地被赋予“发展”、“进步”与“现代”的文化标签,而越南一侧则更多被描述为相对“传统”与“落后”。这一感知也不可避免被投射到对于花山节的话语建构中：
“我们是跟着新时代走的,舞蹈这些都是新创意的,地上(花山节舞台)都铺了红地毯,栓了小旗子,布置得漂亮。那些表演都是排练过的,人多、整齐、热闹得很。”“越南的(花山节)比较传统一点,老年人比较喜欢一点”(集体访谈,中国人,访谈时间：2015.10.11)
在这一情景之下,通过跨界流动参加两侧不同的花山节,边界两侧的苗族村民能在数天之内分别经历具有原真性和现代性特征的花山节,获得花山文化变迁的第一手感性体验。差异性的体验,不断修正苗族边民自身对于花山文化的认知,从文化内涵和物质形式2个层面建构新的文化意义。总的来说,新的文化意义的核心是将中国一侧的苗族与发展、现代化和都市文化联系起来,从而建构起对越南一侧苗族的“优越感”,重新确认中国—越南之间的文化差异。这其中,文化内涵维度包括对于现代都市文化风格和品位的认同和追求,以及与传统乡村文化的对比;而物质形式维度则是中国一侧设备先进、高度舞台化的空间组织形式与越南一侧技术落后、依托自然地形的空间组织形式的鲜明对比。
与此同时,苗族边民通过比较花山节差异,反思传统与发展之间的复杂关系,并重新定义自身的文化认同,以及实现不同的文化倾向之间的对话。
祭祀是花山文化的灵魂,花山节立杆、祭杆、闹杆、倒杆约定俗成的4个阶段中有3个阶段有祭祀的内容,承载着苗族民众的精神世界,中越两边对其都有着强烈的认同：
“我们的立花杆、祭花杆、倒花杆的传统(仪式)跟越南都是一样的,都要烧纸、敬酒、杀鸡、磕头;要说改变呢,就是绕杆活动,我们变成表演了,但是祭杆(绕杆前)我们还是一样在台子上杀鸡祭的。立花杆、祭花杆、倒花杆还是必须要保持原来的传统。”(集体访谈,中国人,2015.10.11)
在越南花龙,政府考虑庞大人群的用地需求和舞台表演的要求,前几年在农贸市场那里举办,场地比较宽敞。但是苗族老人们认为花山节要在山上过,不能在平地或是洼地,于是将花山场移到离乡政府1 km以外的群山中的一个小山包上。花山场中关键要素花杆的位置也强调传统的习俗规范：
“花杆栽后点行吗?栽后点场地宽,节目好表演,老人说不行,花杆一定要栽在场地的中央,就只能栽在中间了”。(王某某,男,50岁,越南人,访谈时间：2014.2.3)
花龙花山节的花山场地和花杆位置的功能性建议都未得到苗族长者们的应允,村民们遵循着族中长者的文化认同,强调花山场、花杆等花山文化符号要严格依循规矩,传承传统、原真的花山节文化。
相反,中国桥头乡的花山场的选择,更多考虑平整、容量、方便观看等要素,拓展了花山的理解。在访谈中,老街子的苗族村民以“山野”这一理念拓展了花山场地选择的局限,考虑舞台的效果调整了花杆的位置,包容着场地选择中的功能考虑：
“我们的花山场周围也是山,是绿色的,代表我们不是在城里面或者寨子里面搞,花山是在野外踩的,只要是山野就可以了”(杨某某,男,30多岁,中国人,访谈时间：2015.10.12)
有趣的是,中国花山场地和花杆布置也得到了越南主办者的赞许,促使他们思考如何平衡传统与新的空间需求：
“你们的花山节有进步,有改革,但传统还在。老街子花山节的花杆就后移了,前面的场地很大,这是传统文化的改革,我们要学习,明年我要坚持把花杆后移,保持民族传统也要与时俱进。”(王某某,男,50岁,越南人,访谈时间：2014.2.3)
同时,舞台化表演是桥头乡花山节的一种创新。在本地苗族村民的眼中,传统民族文化与都市流行文化是并行不悖,互相融合的。桥头乡花山节的组织者和表演者都强调,创新事实上源于传统,是苗族文化的现代演绎：
“我们表演的苗族节目都源于苗族文化,比如踢毽子舞,就是表现我们苗族的踢毽子活动的。苗族服装走秀,展示过去到现在、不同年代的苗族传统服饰文化。甘蔗舞展示我们桥头苗族壮族乡过去这一年甘蔗生产的丰收景象。所以呢,虽然开幕式是学习现代节庆活动的仪式,但是内容还是我们的苗族文化。”(熊某某,女,30岁,中国人,访谈时间：2015.10.9)
同样,现代的歌舞表演也得到了越南苗族人的喜爱。有的越南籍苗族边民早晨4点就从家里出发,赶到花山场观看中国代表团的歌舞表演,表明普罗大众对现代流行文化的渴望、追求与认可。总体而言,桥头乡花山节在体现旧的集体记忆的同时,更为强调制造新的集体记忆,将民族传统文化符号与现代元素有机融合。这种传统文化与现代元素的结合,体现的不仅是传统文化在愈加开放的社会环境寻求创新、发展的期盼,也包含本地政府对政治与经济展示的诉求,即借重新包装的民族文化呈现实力雄厚、蓬勃发展的国家形象,以及边疆少数民族新的“时代精神”(zeitgeist)：即积极融入自身所属的民族—国家的发展趋势,以改变自身在国家政治经济版图中的“边缘”地位。
跨界流动性一方面维系了共有的民族认同与集体记忆,另一方面也促使边境两侧的苗族人认识边界两侧客观存在的社会、经济与文化差异,同时思考自身的国家归属。最典型的体现是：中国籍的苗族人对于中国高速发展与现代化影响下的花山节给予了积极的评价,特别是中青年一代的苗族人明显更倾向于中国的花山节,认为舞台宏大、技术设备先进、节目内容丰富、符合都市流行文化的文化品位。在中年与青年一辈的苗族人眼中,现代元素的融入,并未造成花山节文化价值的降低,反而使得花山节更好玩、更热闹：
“我们在外面打工接触的都是比较现代的东西,喜欢我们的花山节的那些音乐,舞跳呢好,衣服穿得好看。”(杨某某,男,20多岁,中国苗族村民,访谈时间：2015.10.14)
对于花山节的现代化转型的认同,也投射到中国籍苗族人的国家认同上。在访谈的过程中,桥头乡的苗族人普遍认为边界的存在对于中国一侧的苗族具有积极意义,使其能以中国公民的身份积极地融入到改革时代中国的发展与现代化转型之中。桥头乡花山节更为宏大的舞台氛围、更为先进的技术设备以及时尚的表演,也成为中国籍苗族人用以展演其“现代”社会公民身份的社会—文化空间。在此背景之下,桥头乡的苗族人普遍表达出强烈的国家归属以及对“中国人”身份的自豪感。相应地,尽管越南在1986年越共六大之后也实施了“革新开放”的政策,但该政策对作为边疆地区的花龙乡扩散与影响还较微弱。因此,中国籍苗族人倾向于将越南与“发展滞后”、“文化落后”等负面意涵联系在一起,并进一步强化了“中国人”的身份所承载的自豪感与身份认同。换而言之,跨境民族的跨界流动不仅没有削弱国家认同,而且反而固化了对民族—国家的归属感：
“那边的(越南)花山节活动不发奖金,只发点伞、毛巾啊,这些纪念品,不值几块钱。舞台、音响那些都是学着我们整的,文艺节目太单调了。(熊某某,男,40多岁,中国人,访谈时间：2015.10.13)
“花山节政府投入估计有10多万呢,我们国家实力强了,重视民族文化遗产保护。”(集体访谈,中国人,访谈时间：2015.10.11)
不可否认的是,中国花山节的现代变迁使得一些苗族文化学者和文化精英思考自身的文化归宿,产生文化焦虑感和自觉性。他们似乎更认同越南的花山节,认为越南的节庆方式更加热闹、纯朴、真实、传统——“那才是我们苗族真正的花山节,我喜欢那种氛围,原生态,传统,是我们民族的文化。(罗某某,男,40岁,中国人,访谈时间：2015.10.09)。然而,文化精英的怀旧情结在花山节这一文化场域中并非主流。一方面,国家希望展演的是一个不断趋向于进步与发展的现代化过程。在地方政府强有力的支持与推动下,“办得更多姿多彩一点,看起来层次更高一点”(集体访谈,中国人,访谈时间：2015.10.11)已成为了地方官员和民众的共识。花山节展示生产丰收、社会进步、经济发展的边境村寨的新面貌,强化社会成员的发展意识,使其在精神上、意识上对当下国家和社会的主流价值观产生共鸣。另一方面,“现代人”的文化身份也是中国一侧的苗族人所积极践行的。桥头乡经过严格的编舞和排练的“高质量”文化展演被当地人认为是现代“文明”与“素养”的重要体现;经过仔细设计、制作的演出服装也更符合“时尚”的标准和“城市文化品位”。总而言之,花山节经历了一个有意识的、动态的再生产过程,不断从一个小规模的民间节日成长为新型的、场面宏大、宗教与世俗意义交融的现代节庆,成为边境区域展示国家实力、激发爱国情感的重要场域。
中越两国由于发展水平的差异,现代性在花山节活动中的介入深浅不一,边界两侧的花山节文化变迁与建构呈现不同的特点。跨境的流动让村民们能与国界另一侧的花山节进行直观地比较,加强了苗族村民对于差异性的体验。边界两侧花山节的差异性并未导致文化区隔的产生,民族认同的维系与国家认同的强化是并行不悖的。一方面,融入现代元素的花山节与相对更为“原真”的花山节一样得到苗族人的喜爱,跨边界的文化认同得到维系和强化,边界所界定的地缘政治秩序在一定程度上被淡化。另一方面,中国一侧的苗族身份被刻写上“现代”的标签。中国的苗族人,尤其是年轻一代,倾向于将对中国的国家归属解读为一种文化的优越性,来解释、表达中国苗族与越南苗族的差异;相应地,越南的苗族则被贴上了传统、原真、落后的标签。
跨界的流动性加强了民族文化的交流与认同,共同促成了花山节的文化传承。通过跨越边界参加另一侧的节庆活动,中越边界的苗族社群不断地协商着民族—国家所界定的地缘政治秩序与公民归属,在不挑战民族—国家主权的前提下,以仪式化的空间实践为媒介,维持了共有的集体记忆与文化传统的生命力。然而,这并不妨碍花山节成为一个展演国家实力与不同的社会经济发展轨迹的空间：在中国一侧传达强盛、领先的国家形象,而在越南一侧则生产了“原真”、“落后”的文化意涵。边界两侧花山节的巨大差异,最终使边境地区的苗族边民认识到国家力量对于地方发展的重要性,激发中国边民的自豪情绪和归属感,强化了对于国家的认同。总之,本文与国外文献中有关跨境流动与身份认同关系的理论进行了对比,并对其跨境流动强化跨境民族认同而弱化国家认同的相关结论提出了质疑。本文一方面呼应了一个受学界关注较少的观点,即跨境流动与国家认同之间的关系是变化、不确定和不稳定的;另一方面又通过实证研究对上述观点进行了充实和理论上的提升,为跨境民族的身份认同研究贡献了中国知识。
The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.
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边界是人文地理学研究中的一个关键概念。边界代表着一种空间秩序和空间关系,是解读边境地区社会与文化关系形成过程的一个关键维度。由于边界所界定的空间秩序与国家认同的建构、边境地区的经济社会发展、边民的身份认同等问题息息相关,因此学界对边界的社会功能与文化意义给予了持续关注。近年来,学者们逐渐从社会建构的视角重新诠释边界。边界不是地图上僵化的线,它所界定的空间关系与空间秩序,以及所承载的社会文化意义亦非固定不变的,而是国家与草根群体通过一定的社会与空间实践不断再生产与再建构。国家通过边界的营造刻写意识形态与国家认同,而普通社会群体对边界亦有着复杂的响应、调适与抵抗。在国际形势日趋复杂和变化的大环境中,边界凸显了新的意义和功能,重新认识边界如何打破旧的空间秩序并划定新的秩序,是人文地理学研究中值得关注的问题。本文从边界的内涵、边界的社会文化意义和跨边界实践3个方面出发,阐释建构主义下的边界在理论和实践层面的意义,并挖掘边界研究对国内研究的借鉴与启示。
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边界是人文地理学研究中的一个关键概念。边界代表着一种空间秩序和空间关系,是解读边境地区社会与文化关系形成过程的一个关键维度。由于边界所界定的空间秩序与国家认同的建构、边境地区的经济社会发展、边民的身份认同等问题息息相关,因此学界对边界的社会功能与文化意义给予了持续关注。近年来,学者们逐渐从社会建构的视角重新诠释边界。边界不是地图上僵化的线,它所界定的空间关系与空间秩序,以及所承载的社会文化意义亦非固定不变的,而是国家与草根群体通过一定的社会与空间实践不断再生产与再建构。国家通过边界的营造刻写意识形态与国家认同,而普通社会群体对边界亦有着复杂的响应、调适与抵抗。在国际形势日趋复杂和变化的大环境中,边界凸显了新的意义和功能,重新认识边界如何打破旧的空间秩序并划定新的秩序,是人文地理学研究中值得关注的问题。本文从边界的内涵、边界的社会文化意义和跨边界实践3个方面出发,阐释建构主义下的边界在理论和实践层面的意义,并挖掘边界研究对国内研究的借鉴与启示。
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ABSTRACT In this essay I discuss the complex and evolving situation at La Frontera, the US Mexico border. I do so in light of my current research on the intervention of edges in human experiences. In that research, I distinguish several basic types of edge, such as rims, frames, and margins. Two of these types are of particular relevance to the circumstance at La Frontera: borders and boundaries. I identify certain primary differences between these two kinds of edge in order to illuminate the earlier history of La Frontera as well as what is now happening at this vexed site. I take up issues of mapping the border, the nature of the borderline, borderlands, and especially the presence of the massive wall that has been constructed along considerable portions of La Frontera. Implications for basic issues of being versus becoming in matters of society and space conclude the piece.
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Popular music has not yet been widely considered by popular geopolitics practitioners. This paper develops such a perspective, using the US–Mexico border as a case study. In the area, the classic corrido and the more recent narcocorridos are flourishing. Their lyrics, exalting the deeds of border trespassers, usually represent the border as a superimposed boundary. Around the border, other more hybrid kinds of music stand for a very mixed borderland. The border is also portrayed in Anglo songs, referring to the ‘South of the border’ experience. In these, depiction leaves room for a different perception, since the border is represented as an open frontier, easy to cross, to find an abundance of girls and alcohol on the other side. Popular music can also offer a metaphorical representation of the US–Mexico border, transforming it from a local space to the symbol of all global power asymmetries, as in Manu Chao’s songs.
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The experimental governing of mobility and trade on the China-Laos frontier: The Tai Lue case [J].https://doi.org/10.1111/sjtg.12011 URL [本文引用: 1] 摘要
This paper discusses the governing of subjects and objects' mobility in the context of trans-border rice and corn trade on the China-Laos frontier. It traces the attempts by a group of ethnic Tai Lue traders from China to assert themselves as ‘flexible subjects’ and economically triumphant actors on the Upper Mekong market in the era of economic regionalization. It illustrates how, between 2005 and mid-2006, the traders' economic success relied on a variety of ‘border strategies’. ‘Border strategies’ include a gender-balanced organization of trade, the instrumental deployment of trans-border ethnicity, the appropriation of a Han style of business, the opportunistic reliance on the Chinese administration's ‘regime of graduated mobility’, and the enactment of a ‘war-machine’ against Lao state agents. Yet, in late 2006, a new wave of state authoritarianism, enmeshed in corporate accumulation processes, inhibited the traders' success. The paper suggests that, unlike what some defenders of globalization and transnational theories maintain, in the age of economic regionalization, the alleged flexibility and increased mobility of subjects and objects across the borders of the Greater Mekong Subregion remain conditional on an unpredictable mechanism of loosening and tightening. This is part of a long-applied governing pattern of ‘experimentation under hierarchy’ on the Sino-Lao frontier.
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| [18] |
Constructing the border from below: Narratives from the Congolese-Rwandan state boundary [J].https://doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2011.03.003 URL 摘要
This article is about the simultaneous subversion and perpetuation of political borders ‘from below’. Using the state boundary between the cities of Goma in the Democratic Republic of Congo and Gisenyi in Rwanda as a case study, this article shows how people make sense of their border-related social world. By analyzing everyday narratives and practices of people who live on both sides of the border, this article reveals popular geopolitics at work and demonstrates the inchoate character surrounding the idea of ‘the border’. Border talk is examined in key narratives and narrative clusters to emphasize the primacy of certain thematic plots and to reveal which aspects of the border people prioritize and how they attribute meaning to the idea of the border. Views of the border ranging from a desired barrier against the demonized ‘other,’ and as a means of exclusion, to its conception as an institution that may be in need of reform but is essential to economic survival, make clear that approaching the border through narratives means allowing for its historicity and relationality. Border narratives and practices reveal some neglected aspects of violent conflict in the study region and provide insights into state–society relations, an understanding of the state’s legitimacy, and an understanding of the effects of the border as a social construction that influences everyday life.Highlights? Mobile data gathering reveals contradictory and conflicting meanings of borders. ? Micro-narratives demonstrate historicity, relationality and contrariness of borders. ? Borders are simultaneously subverted and perpetuated from below. ? Trade of ‘conflict minerals’ is not the only diver for conflict in Congo.
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Trans-world: Debating the place and borders of places in the age of transnationalism [J].https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9663.2009.00565.x URL [本文引用: 1] 摘要
In this introductory contribution to this special issue of TESG, we want to question the usual way of conceptualising places and borders in the debate about transnationalism. We argue, that in studies of transnationalism, on the one hand the idea of nation-states as spatial containers is overcome, but on the other hand also reproduces the same spatial containers. Instead we suggest the use of the term 'trans-world' to avoid any connotation suggesting spatial containers. In this framework, places and borders are instead seen as multi-dimensional and dynamic concepts which can be applied to almost any kind of relationships transgressing and reconfiguring borders and places at all scales. The papers which follow this introduction show how in particular situations and contexts, these transgressing and reconfiguring activities can be conceptualised in very different ways.
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Working borders and shifting identities in the Russian Far North [J].https://doi.org/10.1016/S0016-7185(03)00009-5 URL [本文引用: 1] 摘要
State-imposed borders inform socio-spatial identities, often encouraging divergent identities for those living of different sides of the border. However, these identities may be discursively appropriated by the groups affected by the borders, in order to manage their relations with the state. We describe how one group of aboriginal people in the Russian Far North forged a common identity based on evasion of state institutions in the 1930–1950s. This group, once articulated with state institutions and divided by the enforcement of a provincial/republican border, developed two socio-spatial identities––and employed these identities as counterhegemonic tactics to state pressures over their lifeways. As types of pressures change, the affordances that the borders provide also change, as evident in the shifting discourses of difference and similitude.
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Fragmented integration in the Singapore-Indonesian border zone: Southeast Asia's 'growth triangle' against the global economy [J].https://doi.org/10.1111/1468-2427.00197 URL [本文引用: 1] 摘要
Singapore-Indonesian investment cooperation in the Riau islands forms the key part of an initiative in cross-border cooperation including Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore. Four flagship projects – Batamindo Industrial Park, Bintan Industrial Estate, Bintan Beach International Resort, and the Karimun marine and industrial complex – are a key test of the effectiveness of a development strategy that seeks to 'fast track' development by creating enclaves of investment, protected from the diseconomies and constraints of their surrounding environment. This paper evaluates the progress of the flagship investments and their interaction with their surrounding communities. It shows the constraints on securing enclaves of investment opportunity in the midst of poverty and high population growth. Lessons from the development experience are linked to the political processes affecting cross-border cooperation in Southeast Asia. This discussion reveals the retention of interstate processes predicated on the continued existence of strong nation-states, rather than trans-state processes which permit the weakening of national sovereignty. The negotiating pitfalls and development dilemmas emerging in this political context are identified. — La coopération des investissements entre Singapour et l'Indonésie dans les 06les de Riau forme la partie centrale d'une initiative de coopération trans-frontalière qui comprend l'Indonésie, la Malaisie et Singapour. Quatre projets vedettes – Batamindo Industrial Park, Bintan Industrial Estate, Bintan Beach International Resort and the centre marin et industriel de Karimun – sont autant de tests de l'efficacité de la stratégie qui veut accélérer le développement en créant des enclaves d'investissement protégées des diséconomies et des contraintes de leur environnement proche. Cet article évalue le progrès des investissements vedettes et leur action mutuelle avec les communautés environnantes. Il démontre les difficultés que l'on rencontre pour obtenir des enclaves d'opportunités pour les investissements au coeur de la pauvreté et avec l'augmentation rapide de la population. Les le0008ons tirées de cette expérience de développement sont liées aux processus politiques qui affectent la coopération trans-frontalière en Asie du sud-est. Cette discussion révèle une conservation des processus entre états organisés á partir de puissants états-nations, plut00t que des processus entre états qui permettent un affaiblisement de la souveraineté nationale. Les pièges de la négociation et les problèmes de développement qui apparaissent dans ce contexte politique sont identifiés.
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Questions of cultural identity [M]. |
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Spaces of refusal: Rethinking sovereign power and resistance at the border [J].https://doi.org/10.1080/00045608.2011.600193 URL 摘要
This article investigates local actions that transgress, subvert, and ignore the imposition of sovereign authority at the borders of sovereign states. It describes the creation and gradual securitization of the 4,096-km border between India and Bangladesh, which has culminated with the construction of roads, floodlights, and fences on the majority of the previously open and lightly guarded border. Then, by drawing on interviews with borderland residents, it analyzes the ways that people interact with, talk about, and cross the border in their daily lives. The motives and consequences of these cross-border connections are not precisely captured by the literature on sovereign power and the state of exception, which identifies very little space for resistance, or the literature on dominance鈥搑esistance in power relations, which understands most actions as political resistance in a broad milieu of power. To reconcile these conflicting views on resistance, this article proposes spaces of refusal to understand a range of activities that are not overt political resistance but nevertheless refuse to abide by the binary framing of state territorial and identity categories.
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"Where is the border?" Villagers, environmental consultants and the 'work' of the Thai-Burma border [J].https://doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2014.02.001 URL [本文引用: 1] 摘要
61Southeast Asia border studies in conversation with political geography debates.61Co-production as an approach to the study of “borders from the bottom up.”61The border as site and process of struggle for border residents, other actors.
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| [25] |
Stories of crossings and connections from Bawaka, North East Arnhem Land, Australia [J].https://doi.org/10.1080/14649365.2010.508598 URL [本文引用: 1] 摘要
This paper engages with Indigenous peoples' conceptualisations of borders, arguing that these unsettle dominant Eurocentric constructs of the border as terrestrial, linear, bound and defined through western legal frameworks. It does this by drawing on one aspect of the many storytelling experiences offered by members of the Indigenous-owned Yolngu tourism business Bawaka Cultural Experiences in northern Australia. We argue that stories told to visitors about multiple and diverse connections between Yolngu and Makassan people from Sulawesi, Indonesia, are intentional constructions which challenge dominant conceptions of Australia as an isolated island-nation. The stories redefine the border as a dynamic and active space and as a site of complex encounters. The border itself is continuously recreated through stories in ways that emphasise the continuity and richness of land and sea-scapes and are based on non-linear conceptions of time. The stories invite non-Indigenous people to engage with different kinds of realities that exist in the north and to re-imagine Australia's north as a place of crossings and connections.
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| [26] |
The lines that continue to separate us: Borders in our 'borderless' world [J].https://doi.org/10.1191/0309132506ph599xx URL [本文引用: 1] 摘要
The study of borders has undergone a renaissance during the past decade. This is reflected in an impressive list of conferences, workshops and scholarly publications. This renaissance has been partly due to the emergence of a counternarrative to the borderless and deterritorialized world discourse which has accompanied much of globalization theory. The study of borders has moved beyond the limited confines of the political geography discourse, crossing its own disciplinary boundaries, to include sociologists, political scientists, historians, international lawyers and scholars of international relations. But this meeting of disciplines has not yet been successful in creating a common language or glossary of terms which is relevant to all scholars of borders. Central to the contemporary study of borders are notions such as 'borders are institutions', the process of 'bordering' as a dynamic in its own right, and the border terminologies which focus on the binary distinctions between the 'us' and 'them', the 'included' and the 'excluded'. Borders should be studied not only from a top-down perspective, but also from the bottom up, with a focus on the individual border narratives and experiences, reflecting the ways in which borders impact upon the daily life practices of people living in and around the borderland and transboundary transition zones. In positing an agenda for the next generation of border-related research, borders should be seen for their potential to constitute bridges and points of contact, as much as they have traditionally constituted barriers to movement and communication.
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| [27] |
Bounded spaces in the mobile world: Deconstructing 'regional identity' [J].https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9663.00190 URL [本文引用: 1] 摘要
Regional identity has become an important category in the 'Europe of regions', and one that is often taken as self-evident in the relations between a group of people and a bounded region. The movement of people, capital and information across spatial boundaries that takes place in the contemporary world challenges the supposed harmonious link between regions and people on all spatial scales. This paper analyses the meanings of region and identity, and the links between them. Regions are understood as historically contingent structures whose institutionalisation is based on their territorial, symbolic and institutional shaping. Regional identity is understood as an abstraction that can be used to analyse the links between social actors and the institutionalisation process. This paper suggests that an analytical distinction between the identity of a region and the regional identity of its inhabitants, i.e. regional consciousness, is useful for problematising these links. The conceptual arguments will be illustrated with analyses of identity discourses related to Finnish regions and of the mobility of the Finns between regions.
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| [28] |
Cross-border regionalization, the INTERREG III A initiative, and local cooperation at the Finnish-Swedish border [J].https://doi.org/10.1068/a43433 URL [本文引用: 1] 摘要
Whereas most studies to date have viewed cross-border regionalization and cooperation from ‘top-down’ regional and institutional perspectives, and within the context of urban regions, I am concerned with the implementation of cross-border initiatives in the rural Finnish02–02Swedish border area. The focus is firstly on the implementation of cross-border projects in the European Union’s INTERREG02III A North programme (200002–0206), and secondly on grassroots cooperation and local actors’ experiences of cross-border initiatives. The findings indicate that cooperation is not a straightforward process of ‘ignoring’ state borders and creating new regional spaces across borders. The INTERREG programme documents emphasize the development of a functional, harmonious cross-border region. When the examination is moved to the local level and everyday institutional practices are considered, cooperation and the implementation of initiatives appear in a rather different light. Practices of cooperation are intertwined with different governmental and nongovernmental structures across multiple scales, but it is the state border which determines the norms and spatial organization of this cooperation and cross-border networks are still sparse compared with their national counterparts. What this paper suggests is that we should include the national as a significant scalar dimension more profoundly in our analysis of cross-border regionalization and cooperation.
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| [29] |
Reframing Europe and the global: Conceptualizing the border in cultural encounters [J].https://doi.org/10.1068/d0809 URL [本文引用: 1] 摘要
In this paper I explore the inadequacy of the representation of the border, which is underpinned by Manichean distinctions of friend and foe, superior and inferior, inside and outside, to analyze the cultural encounter between Europeans and their others. I argue that a great deal of scholarship interest in this cultural encounter is trapped into a border imaginary that loses sight of those cultural phenomena, such as hybridity, transnational identities, and cosmopolitan affiliations, which challenge established political and cultural borders and foster 'from below' new imaginations of the European space. By analyzing a complex set of cultural productions the creative combination of European modes of thought, texts, and styles in the visual and performative arts, with indigenous local artistic styles and mindsets-I show that, as seen as early as the 16th-century, the rise of a global imagination is the result of complex relations of connectivity between Europe and other parts of the world. I propose a new border imaginary, which is underpinned by a cosmopolitan grammar of difference, to account better for the changing nature of the European space within the dynamics of globalization.
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| [30] |
Rebordering France and Denmark narratives and practices of border-construction in two European countries [J].https://doi.org/10.1080/17450101.2012.747775 URL [本文引用: 1] 摘要
This article examines the continued significance of borders and boundary constructions in the allegedly borderless Europe'. It analyses the events in 2011 that led to the temporary closure of borders in France and in Denmark, and aims to show how some European nation-states attempted to reclaim their power of border control by tweaking the Schengen agreement. We argue that these events are not only examples of how countries manage the inflow and outflow of people. By closing or restricting their physical borders, both countries were also trying to reinstate narrative identity boundaries around the French and the Danish people. We advocate that physical borders find legitimacy in boundaries, i.e. narratives that conceptually separate groups and territories, and illustrate this through an analysis of local media in the countries involved.
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Cross-border urban governance in Hong Kong: The role of state in a globalizing city-region [J].https://doi.org/10.1111/j.0033-0124.2004.00446.x URL [本文引用: 1] 摘要
The rapid development in the Hong Kong-Pearl River Delta (PRD) city-region has taken place alongside complicated cross-border governance. The framework of time-space envelopes (TSEs) is adopted for a study of cross-border governance in Hong Kong, especially in the role of the state, that is, the Hong Kong government, in cross-border urban governance. This article argues that tension- free regional integration has never existed due to a complex governance network. The shift from “cross-border protectionism” to “cross-border free trade zone” in Hong Kong's cross-border urban governance since 2001 is a result of the rearticulation of the state cutting through the geoeconomic and geopolitical TSEs.
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| [32] |
Cross-border rubber cultivation between China and Laos: Regionalization by Akha and Tai rubber farmers [J].https://doi.org/10.1111/sjtg.12014 URL [本文引用: 1] 摘要
Abstract Top of page Abstract Methods Theoretical considerations Being ‘modern’ in Xishuangbanna State rubber farms – bastions of modernity Minority rubber farmers becoming modern Cross-border history Cross-border rubber cultivation Conclusions Acknowledgements References This paper is a multi-sited ethnography of cross-border rubber cultivation between China and Laos. Smallholder minority rubber farmers from Xishuangbanna (China) have forged successful informal share-cropping arrangements to grow rubber trees on the land of relatives and friends in neighbouring Laos. By becoming rich and entrepreneurial rural citizens, Akha and Tai farmers have also, in their own eyes, raised their own ‘quality’ ( suzhi ) and see themselves as ‘modern’. By examining various meanings of ‘modern’ in China, and contrasting the rubber farmers' experience with Jacob Eyferth's notion of rural ‘deskilling’, this paper shows how through learning to plant, cultivate and tap rubber, these farmers have taken on the discipline and technical knowledge of ‘modern’ workers and become ‘skilled’. By rising in ‘quality’, minority farmers on China's periphery challenge the entrenched binaries of urban/rural, modern/backward, prosperous/poor and Han/minority nationality. Xishuangbanna minority farmers acknowledge that they are also ‘backward’ in the Chinese social hierarchy, but their extension of rubber cultivation to kin and others in Laos has confirmed their modernity as dispensers of development, technical know-how and ‘superior’ Chinese culture to Lao farmers who are ‘backward and poor’. In contrast to large state rubber farms that have failed to establish rubber plantations in northern Laos, minority farmers have created regionalization.
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| [33] |
Under the state's gaze: Upland trading-scapes on the Sino-Vietnamese border [J]. |
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Bordering, ordering and othering [J]. |
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Capital, state and space: Contesting the borderless world [J].https://doi.org/10.1111/j.0020-2754.1998.00291.x URL [本文引用: 1] 摘要
Abstract The globalization of economic activities and transnational corporations (TNCs) has led us to think that we are entering a ‘borderless’ world. Some prophets of globalization argue that it has led to the end of geography. To them, the state has ceased to be an institution capable of exerting influences on the activities of transnational capital, which has also become increasingly ‘placeless’. This paper aims to contest the issue of the alleged end-state discourse of a ‘borderless’ world. It argues that, despite the accelerated processes of globalization, national boundaries still matter in the decision-making and global reach of capital. The notion of a ‘borderless’ world is more folklore than reality. Based on theoretical and empirical literature in international political economy and business studies, the paper offers a dialectical perspective that examines the changing relationship between capital and the state, and the embedded relationship between capital and space in the organization of the global space-economy. Together, both arguments point to the importance of understanding dynamic transformations of the global economy, before considering its globalization tendencies.
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